Working- and middle-class radical politics in England from the fall of Chartism in 1848 to the 1870s.

"The WTO after Seattle", presented by the Institute for International Economics, analyzes the problems and challenges facing the World Trade Organization after the failure of the Seattle trade ministerial in December 1999. The volume presents balanced perspectives on world trade problems by authors from the United States, Europe, Asia, and Latin America, with recommendations on what needs to be done in key areas to launch new talks.

Discusses the shifting definitions of racism and challenges the common conception that racism is experienced exclusively by black people. The book aims to occupy the centre of debate on the sociology of racism and ethnic studies.

As we face new and debilitating catastrophes caused by capitalism and nation-state politics, Saladdin Ahmed argues that our only hope is to create space for a new world by negating the existing order. To achieve this new society, Revolutionary Hope After Nihilism outlines a practical philosophy of change that rejects ideologies of false hope and passive hopelessness. Drawing public attention to the decisiveness of the present historical moment, Ahmed introduces a critical theory of social emancipation based on post-Soviet revolutionary movements that have emerged at the margins of the global social order. The rise of socially and politically exclusionary movements in multiple parts of the world, ongoing ecological crisis, anti-Black racism, and the concretization of despair brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic demand a new approach to revolution, which Ahmed argues, must be rooted in the experiences of the most oppressed in society. Realizing the epistemological potential of emancipatory movements, Ahmed rejects dystopian nihilism and positions our focus on marginalized spaces to break out of capitalist totalitarianism.

Written by a team of eminent historians, these essays explore how ten twentieth-century intellectuals and social reformers sought to adapt such familiar Victorian values as `civilisation', `domesticity', `conscience' and `improvement' to modern conditions of democracy, feminism and mass culture. Covering such figures as J.M. Keynes, E.M. Forster and Lord Reith of the BBC, these interdisciplinary studies scrutinize the children of the Victorians at a time when their private assumptions and public positions were under increasing strain in a rapidly changing world. After the Victorians is written in honour of the late Professor John Clive of Harvard, and uses, as he did, the method of biography to connnect the public and private lives of the generations who came after the Victorians.

For nearly ten years – indeed more if we include his period of influence under Mandela’s presidency – Thabo Mbeki bestrode South Africa’s political stage. Despite attempts by some in the new ANC leadership to airbrush out his role, there can be little doubt that Mbeki was a seminal figure in South Africa’s new democracy, one who left a huge mark in many fields, perhaps most controversially in state and party management, economic policy, public health intervention, foreign affairs and race relations. If we wish to understand the character and fate of post-1994 South Africa, we must therefore ask: What kind of political system, economy and society has the former President bequeathed to the government of Jacob Zuma and to the citizens of South Africa generally? This question is addressed head-on here by a diverse range of analysts, commentators and participants in the political process. Amongst the specific questions they seek to answer: What is Mbeki’s legacy for patterns of inclusion and exclusion based on race, class and gender? How, if at all, did his presidency reshape relations within the state, between the state and the ruling party and between the state and society? How did he reposition South Africa on the continent and in the world? This book will be of interest to anyone wishing to understand the current political landscape in South Africa, and Mbeki’s role in shaping it.

Since the end of World War II, there have been four times as many civil wars as interstate wars. For a small subset of nations civil war is a chronic condition: about half of the civil war nations have had at least two and as many as six conflicts. This book presents an analytical framework that has been used to identify a set of factors that make civil war more or less likely to recur in a nation where a civil war has recently terminated. The outcome of the previous civil war--whether it ended in a government victory, a rebel victory or a negotiated settlement--as well as the duration and deadliness of the conflict affect the durability of the peace after civil war. The introduction of peacekeeping forces, investment in economic development and reconstruction, and the establishment of democratic political institutions tailored to the configuration of ethnic and religious cleavages in the society also affect the durability of peace after civil war.

Since the success of the best-selling first edition, the world has remained fascinated with US foreign policy, not least because of the far-reaching consequences of the US led invasion of Iraq. This fully updated textbook follows the events of the past two and a half years including the 2004 presidential campaign, whilst still providing a comprehensive introduction to all aspects of American foreign policy. Chapter headings include: from colony to superpower the post-Cold War decade the role of Congress the media and public opinion the US and terrorism. Examining the administrations of George Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, it explains the complex interaction between the institutions of power, the key actors and the non-governmental organizations to give a complete picture of foreign policy. With a complete glossary of terms, this textbook is ideal for those studying American politics or international relations. Companion website available at: www.routledge.com/textbooks/0415358655

This book discusses the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the European Union’s climate and energy policy. By examining the positions of the various actors involved, the book analyses whether the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine has contributed to greater unity, decarbonisation, and security of energy supply, and if not, whether these crises prompted member states to turn inwards and opt for national solutions to climate and energy challenges. It thus provides a new outlook for EU energy policy in relation to the experience of the two crises. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of climate and energy policy, energy security, EU policy, and more broadly to energy politics, European integration and European Union governance.