To convey the image of a responsible power willing to contribute to regional stability and cooperation, China has shifted from a single-minded preference for bilateralism to an active participation in East Asian regionalism in the recent decades. This development has inspired discussions over whether a rising China could play a leadership role in building an institutionalized architecture for regional cooperation in East Asia. Nevertheless, this has not happened as East Asian regional cooperation and relevant activities remain mostly ad hoc and informal, especially when compared to regions such as Europe. To what extent has China contributed or constrained the development of regionalism in East Asia? What are China’s desired roles and objectives in East Asian regional cooperation? What is the level of trust that other regional players have for China in regional cooperation? This book seeks answers to these questions by exploring China’s motivations and strategic calculations as well as its policy practices in East Asian economic and security cooperation. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary China.

This book seeks to examine the impacts associated with China’s carbon-energy policy in Asia and how, coupled with the Belt and Road Initiative, these effects prompt foreign direct investments in coal power and exports of renewable energy technologies. China shows a co-evolution of carbon-energy policy and energy transitions from coal to renewables. Assessing how the policy intensifies pressures and motivations to Chinese companies, chapters in this edited volume analyse how the policy has changed energy and CO2 emissions in Asia through the lens of carbon leakage, relocation, and halos. Contributors present in-depth studies on China’s investments and exports, and also its impacts on Indonesia, India, Vietnam, and Japan. Using applied computable general equilibrium and scenario input-output analyses, chapters investigate if regional electricity connectivity reduces new coal power investments through efficiency gain. Arguing that China is shifting from the world’s factory to the leading innovator and Asia's demand centre, it is ultimately demonstrated that China is likely to achieve climate targets whereas Asia to increase CO2 emissions and economic reliance on China. China’s Carbon-Energy Policy and Asia’s Energy Transition will be of significant interest to students and scholars of energy, environment, and sustainability studies, as well as Chinese studies and economics.

China's rise in the global arena is undeniably altering the global status quo. Its rise is closely linked to and reflected in its rising dependence on imported oil, adroit soft power, economic prowess and corresponding impressive economic growth, its military modernization, and its strategic engagement of the world as an alternative model of political and economic development. As the status quo changes, the United States theoretically becomes less influential politically, economically, and militarily, because China is skillfully harnessing and strategically exercising the elements of national power to acquire scarce oil energy resources in the Near East, Western Hemisphere, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Chinese Energy Futures and Their Implications for the United States, by George Eberling, examines how Chinese oil energy specifically will shape future Sino-American relations under conditions of dependency and non-dependency, and whether competition or cooperation for scarce energy resources will result. Eberling uses both scenario analysis and the PRINCE method to examine three possible Chinese oil energy futures: Competitive Dependency, Competitive Surplus, and Cooperative Surplus. Chinese Energy Futures also discusses and evaluates the strategic implications of these scenarios with respect to the United States.

This report makes the point that in both Russia and China it is politics ââ¬" and not market or commercial considerations ââ¬" that largely drive energy relationships with each other and the outside world.à For both countries, energy and energy security is regarded as a strategic asset and/or objective that are at risk from outside forces.à The conditions that each state has attached to their energy policies ironically preclude the kind of easy cooperation seen in other strategic and political issues between Moscow and Beijing. In both Central and Northeast Asia, Russia has blocked Chinese efforts to realize its version of energy security, yet it has not been able to come up either with the resources or means for a coherent policy of supplying China with reliable quantities of energy that would lead China away from non-Russian producers.à The under-fulfilment of the potential for Russia to supply China will continue and continue as well to be a source of strain in their relationship.

This edited volume examines contemporary diplomatic, economic, and security competition between China and Japan in the Asia-Pacific region, focusing on their respective foreign policies under President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and regional security dynamics within and between Asian states/institutions.

This book explores the complex relationship between grand strategy and energy security by conducting a focused, comparative study on the United States and China. By including energy security as a component of grand strategy, the author is able to present an analysis of the complex, multifaceted approaches large consuming states take to secure their critical energy supplies. Inclusion of energy as part of the core strategic agenda increases explanatory power and provides insights as to how states may elect to pursue supply security under times of greater scarcity, or increased conflict. A ranking system is also developed, allowing a more systematic approach to inform this qualitative study.

As the economies of East Asia grow ever stronger, their need for energy resources increases, which in turn compels closer relations with the countries of the Middle East. This book examines the developing relations between the countries of East Asia, especially China and Japan, with the countries of the Middle East. It looks at various key bilateral relationships, including with Iran and Syria, discusses the impact on the United States’ hegemony in both regions, considers whether the new relations represent a contribution to, or a threat to, peace and stability, and assesses the implications of the changes for patterns of regional and global international relations systems.

China Japan and South Korea’s international relations are shaped by the fact that all three countries are significant importers of resources. This book brings together work on specific aspects of the politics of resources for each of these countries, regionally and internationally. There are some similarities in the approaches taken by all these three. For example, their development assistance shares a focus on infrastructure building and reluctance to purposefully influence domestic politics. However, there are also significant differences due in large part to the individual nature of the states as international actors. China has significant domestic supplies of resources while Japan and Korea are net importers. China’s size also marks it out as different, as does its state socialist history and continuing authoritarian state. One of the key issues to understanding contemporary resource politics in Northeast Asia is that Western dominance of the world order is currently declining. In some cases Northeast Asian approaches to resources are seen as being mercantilist. In other cases Northeast Asian powers are seen as replacing Western powers in exploiting resource-rich developing countries. This book gives readers an informed view of this very important issue in contemporary international relations. This bookw as published as a special issue of Asian Studies Review.

China is frequently described as a threat to regional and global stability and its rapidly rising demand for imported energy is seens as one cause of this threat. This book shows that domestic politics and foreign policy have both played a part in China's recent major energy policy decisions. However, China's increasing involvement in the global energy markets can be seen as an opportunity to enhance cooperation and interdependence rather than as a threat.

"This monograph examines the dynamics of China's energy security dilemma and the role of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Following this, PLAN development is discussed and its future role in regional security is hypothesized. This report argues that it is domestic market inefficiencies and poor management practices that pose the greatest threat to China's energy security. Further, less and less of Chinese energy imports are making their way to the country by sea; thus the PLAN actually has a minimal role to play. Given these realities, Chinese fears of a naval blockade that deprives it of energy supplies, as well as American confidence that this is a realistic strategic option in the event of hostilities are implausible. In addition, Beijing's desire to develop aircraft carriers and other high-tech naval capabilities combined with its contribution to the anti-piracy mission in the Gulf of Aden have led many analysts to erroneously conclude that China seeks to engage in global power projection like the United States. However, the focus of the PLAN will remain regional and on asymmetric capabilities, namely the effective use of submarines and other undersea devices that ultimately seek to deter American and possible Japanese involvement in a conflict over Taiwan and/or in the South China Sea, such as the Spratly Islands, which China views as inalienable parts of its territory. Although China's interests are expanding and becoming more international in nature, recovering from the century of humiliation and ensuring domestic legitimacy remain the top priorities of China's leadership."--P. vii.