Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education reviews the most recently published empirical research findings on these subjects as well as results from a survey of the attitudes of 10,000 college and university students in 44 counteries towards authority, democracy, nationalism, militarism, internationalism and educational policy choices. One interesting finding is that (cross-nationally) higher authoritarianism levels translate into lower scores on democratic attitudes and internationalism, higher nationalism and militarism scores, and support for more conservative and provincial (and monocultural) educational policy options.

In diesem Buch wird die Theorie der politischen Führung, die ein noch wenig erforschtes Feld der Politikwissenschaft ist, beleuchtet. Sie ist verwandt mit dem philosophischen Streit um Determinismus versus Aktivismus und hilft den Grundkonflikt des 21. Jahrhunderts zwischen liberaler Demokratie und neuem Autoritarismus zu verstehen. Das Buch befasst sich mit Max Webers Typologie politischer Herrschaft und seinem Konzept der Verantwortungsethik, welche der Schlüssel zur Theorie der Führung sind. Der Autor zeigt auf, dass der unvollendete Wettstreit zwischen Demokratie und neuem Autoritarismus im 21. Jahrhundert die Bedeutung von Führung in alten und neuen Demokratien sowie in den neoautoritären Regimen bestätigt und einen neuen Typus politischer Führungskräfte fordert.

This book theorizes Chinese politics, specifically about China’s “deliberative democracy (xieshang minzhu 协商民主)”. Creating a China-West comparative framework, the author interrogates China's government's claims to give representation to citizens, allowing readers to see how all of these concepts interact within Chinese ideology, democratic discourse, and governance, and their relationship with Chinese authoritarianism. Above all, this book represents a sustained hybridization of political theory, one which is neither a simple democratic-authoritarian dichotomy, nor a reinterpretation of the official propaganda. This study will interest scholars of Chinese politics and statecraft, shedding light on an emergent discourse of the state – Chinese xieshang minzhu. More importantly, this book goes beyond a simple rhetorical and linguistic use of ‘deliberative democracy’ in the Western sense, and rather emphasizes the very consultative nature of Chinese politics, which facilitates and reconsolidates Chinese authoritarianism.

This book provides detailed insight into some of the most contentious events occurring in jurisdictions operating within China's vast shadow. Epic clashes between law and politics have become a regular fixture throughout the world, and no region has seen more of these than Asia. In some cases these conflicts have involved newfound democratic aspirations or democratic deepening, while in others it has arisen because of pushback against authoritarian or semi-authoritarian governments. Indeed, many of these clashes centre on or involve the region's most powerful and controversial player: China. This book focuses on several of these critical struggles, examining how democracy and the rule of law play out in a number of jurisdictions highly influenced by China's presence. Chapters provide insightful analysis on issues such as: major threats to the rule of law and attempts to uphold the principle, oath-taking controversies, foreign judges and the disparagement of the judiciary, unconstitutional and undemocratic provisions, changing ideas of representation, a right to democracy in international law, same-sex marriage rights, and the legal responses to civil disobedience in Taiwan and Hong Kong, among other topics. Ultimately, the book delivers a contemporary understanding of how democracy and the rule of law both complement and converge in this fascinating region.

"Grugel... has produced a first-rate introduction to the development dilemmas confronting the peoples of the Caribbean and Central America.... The book will enlighten general readers with an interest in the politics of geopolitical and economic dependency. And for appreciating the remaining difficulties facing small nations attempting equitable and harmonious development, it will remind Caribbean and Central American specialists just how valuable a good comparative analysis can be." --Foreign Affairs "... excellent comparative survey of the political economy of the Caribbean Basin... " --Choice This wide-ranging survey of the political economy of the Caribbean Basin and its position in the emerging global order also assesses the attempts by revolutionary regimes in the region to create alternative models of development and the reasons for their failure.

“Is democracy in crisis?” Against the background of a visible loss of trust in political, economic, religious and other institutions in Japan and Germany, this question is being posed with increasing urgency. This volume brings together contributions from political sciences, sociology, economics, psychology, history, law, and educational science to shed light on the future of our democracies, economies, educational systems, party politics, national policies, and social-structural changes, as well as socialization in the family and school, and related value changes. By focusing on Japan and Germany, and including examples from Western Europe and East Asia, this publication will determine transnational tendencies and provide an understanding of the different consequences of development from country to country against the background of different historical-cultural traditions and institutional realities.

Despite the enthusiasm surrounding the Colour Revolutions and the Arab Spring, the world’s share of democracies has stagnated over the past 15 years. The steady rise of China, Russia, and Iran has also led to warnings of a resurgence of "authoritarian great powers", especially in light of the financial crisis centred in the USA and Western Europe. On the positive side, however, democracy remains remarkably popular as an ideal. In the Global barometer’s most recent survey, two out of three respondents say democracy is their most favoured political system, including a majority in 49 of the 55 countries. Yet there is evidence, much expanded upon in this edited collection, that commitments to liberal democracy in practice are not as strong. Nominally pro-democratic citizens frequently favour limitations on electoral accountability and individual rights in the service of improved governance or economic growth. Further, there are rising concerns that many citizens, especially across the developing world, are turning away from democracy out of frustration with democratic performance. In contrast to many transitional regimes, the more established democracies appear to be losing support among their highly educated citizens. The contributions in this edited collection compare how democracy is understood and experienced in transitioning regimes and established democracies. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties.

There is something fundamentally wrong with the conventional wisdom in the field of Comparative Politics, Political Theory, and even Political Science as a whole, which rigidly conceptualize and theorize political systems in terms of different categories (e.g., liberal-democratic vs. authoritarian), which are supposed to be distinct and separate, without much mixing of each other, certainly not in any major way. A liberal-democratic political system (like the one in the U.S.), in accordance to this conventional wisdom, is anti-authoritarian (and therefore good). Conversely, an authoritarian political system (like the one in mainland China) is anti-democratic and therefore bad. This book takes the challenging task to show that all political systems—different as each is, for sure, from the rest—have much in common. Under the right conditions, a liberal democracy, as an illustration, not only can be as evil as its authoritarian counterparts, albeit in different ways—but also can be more authoritarian as it becomes more advanced as a liberal democracy. In fact, Dr. Peter Baofu suggests that authoritarianism is an advanced stage of liberal democracy, under these conditions. To understand this, the book is organized into two main parts with different sections, that is, in relation to meta-theory (i.e., methodology and ontology) and theory (i.e., nature, the mind, culture, and society).

The promotion of political reform, participation, human rights and democracy on the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean was a key objective for the European Union as it prepared the Barcelona conference in 1995. Today it is clear that these policies have failed to prompt an end to authoritarian rule. The authors of Democracy Building and Democracy Erosion analyse why EU policies have not produced major political impact, while remaining sensitive to changes that may translate into greater participation and respect for civil liberties. The question at the heart of this volume is whether the erosion of democracy in the north, compounded by the effects of 9/11, has affected the promotion of democracy in the south. The failure of democracy in the south may well be linked to authoritarian trends on a global scale. Contributors include Mustapha Kamel al-Sayyid, Gilles Massardier, Eric Gobe, Oliver Schlumberger, Isabel Schäfer, Robert Springborg, Holger Albrecht, Virginie Collombier, Marc Lazar and Mohamed Mouaquit.