The rise to dominance of marginalist economics coincided with a major increase in the spread of socialist ideas. As many socialist and Marxist thinkers were preocuppied with economic questions this was scarcely a development that could be ignored. Socialists either had to defend Marxist economics against marginalist criticism or show that socialism and marginalism were compatible. This volume explores the varied socialist responses in a number of major European countries including Italy, France, Russia and German speaking countries.

What is Socialist Economics The field of socialism economics encompasses the economic theories, practices, and conventions of socialist economic systems already in existence as well as those that are speculative. One of the defining characteristics of a socialist economic system is the presence of social ownership and operation of the means of production. This ownership and operation can take the shape of autonomous cooperatives or direct public ownership, in which production is carried out directly for the purpose of use rather than for profit. The term "market socialism" refers to socialist regimes that make use of markets in order to distribute capital goods and tools of production among different economic entities. A socialist planned economy is the name given to the economic system that is applied when planning is utilized. When it comes to valuing resources and goods, non-market versions of socialism typically incorporate a method of accounting that is founded on the calculation-in-kind mechanism. How you will benefit (I) Insights, and validations about the following topics: Chapter 1: Socialist economics Chapter 2: Free market Chapter 3: Socialism Chapter 4: State capitalism Chapter 5: Market economy Chapter 6: Mixed economy Chapter 7: Private property Chapter 8: State ownership Chapter 9: Economic system Chapter 10: Socialist market economy Chapter 11: Criticism of socialism Chapter 12: Lange model Chapter 13: Economic planning Chapter 14: Social dividend Chapter 15: Production for use Chapter 16: State socialism Chapter 17: Types of socialism Chapter 18: Socialist mode of production Chapter 19: Social ownership Chapter 20: Market socialism Chapter 21: Socialist calculation debate (II) Answering the public top questions about socialist economics. (III) Real world examples for the usage of socialist economics in many fields. (IV) Rich glossary featuring over 1200 terms to unlock a comprehensive understanding of socialist economics. (eBook only). Who will benefit Professionals, undergraduate and graduate students, enthusiasts, hobbyists, and those who want to go beyond basic knowledge or information for any kind of socialist economics.

First published in 1986, this text brings together a selection of papers written by the great Alec Nove on development economics, Marxist economies, the Soviet economy, and law and politics in the Soviet Union. Reflecting the varied and diverse interests of its distinguished author, the topics range from Soviet constitutional law, to Trotsky’s view of collectivization; from a critique of conventional micro-economics, to the economic disaster of the Allende regime in Chile. The author’s long-standing immersion in the past and present of the Soviet Union helps to provide the unique insights into the workings of Socialist economies characteristic of Professor Nove’s previous work. This volume should be essential reading for anyone interested in development economics, socialist economies, or the problems facing contemporary Soviet economic reformers.

The first part of The Economics of Feasible Socialism demonstrates why Marx's theories provide no guide to the issues that must face economists under any realistically conceivable Socialism. The experience of communist-ruled countries, especially the former Soviet Union, is often negative: economic inefficiency, bureaucracy, despotism. The causes of these defects and possible remedies and reforms are discussed. The problems of transition, in the context of Western industrialized countries and of developing countries, is also examined, with particular attention centred on the errors of economic policy in Chile and China, amongst other countries.

N. Scott Arnold argues that the most defensible version of a market socialist economic system would be unable to realize widely held socialist ideals and values. In particular, it would be responsible for widespread and systematic exploitation. The charge of exploitation, which is really a charge of injustice, has typically been made against capitalist systems by socialists. This book argues that it is market socialism--the only remaining viable form of socialism--that is systematically exploitative.

This volume sets forth as simply as possible the theoretical foundations which underlie the practical policies of democratic Socialism. This involves both a repudiation and a refutation of the assumptions of the older classical economists who believed in laissez-faire, and a careful differentiation of the economics of democratic Socialism from the neo-classical doctrines associated with the name of Maynard Keynes.

Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.

Challenging conventional accounts, Markets in the Name of Socialism chronicles a transnational dialogue among economists on both sides of the Iron Curtain about democracy, socialism, and markets. These exchanges led to the transformations of 1989 and, unintentionally, the rise of neoliberalism.

To what extent can contemporary socialist economies be reformed by the introduction of markets? The question is usually debated in either a Chinese or an East European context; this collection of eleven essays is unique in taking the first steps toward a comparative analysis. Twenty years of experience with reforms in Hungary and a decade of experimentation with reforms in China proivde a critical mass of evidence for analyzing the problems endemic to cnetrally planned economies and the dilemmas faced in efforts to reform them. In reflecting on the Chinese and East European experiences, these essays trace the shift from a conception of reform as a mix of planning and makrets within the state sector to a socialist mixed economy with implications for the emergence of new social groups and autonomous social organizations. The essays exemplify a new perspective in the study of state socialism that changes the focus from ideologies to economic institutions, examining how the activities of subordinate groups place limits on the power of state elites. The authors include scholars who have shaped debates in Eastern Europe and whose work is now stimulating much discussion in China, as well as representatives of a younger generation of economists, sociologists, and political scientists writing on the basis of field research recently conducted in factories, cities, and villages in China and Eastern Europe. The contributors are: Wlodzimierz Brus, Walter D. Connor, Zhiren Lin, Victor Nee, Susan Shirk, David Stark, Ivan Szelenyi, and Martin King Whyte. An introductory essays surveys recent theories and research on state socialism and outlines a new institutional perspective for understanding the dilemmas of partial reforms, the political cycles of reform and retrenchment, and the role of subordinate groups in stimulating changes outside the state sector.

More and more people have turned to Marxian economics in recent years. But isn’t it a defunct branch of the ‘dismal science’, disproven by the experience of the past 150 years, of no interest to anyone except historians? In this book, David Ruccio demonstrates why the answer to that question is a resounding ‘no’. He offers a clear and accessible introduction to the basic concepts and theoretical strategies of Marxian economics, its key differences from mainstream economics, and its many applications to the real world. Focusing on Marx’s critique of both mainstream economic theory and capitalism, Ruccio extends that analysis to contemporary topics—from inequality and economic crises to racial capitalism and the climate crisis—and outlines the key debates among Marxian economists. He concludes with a discussion of the ways Marxian economists today think about the possibility of moving beyond capitalism. The book is suitable for students and professors, as well as readers outside the academy interested in learning about Marxian economics. It will be useful both as a stand-alone text and as a companion to reading Capital.