This book argues that a leading cause of the political instability in the Horn of Africa is a crisis of governance, caused by extreme centralization of power, weak institutions, and the failure to institutionalise the responsible use of authority. In recent years, many attempts have been made to resolve the ongoing conflicts in Somalia and South Sudan, but problems remain, and in 2019 the instability spread to Ethiopia. This book critically examines how many of the governance problems in the region can be addressed through institutional design. The central argument is that an inclusive system of governance through federalism, devolution, and inclusive political institutions as well as ensuring the institutionalization of power through strengthening the rule of law has the potential to make governments more accountable, inclusive, and be able to deliver critical services. Such systems ensure relative stability and peace and reduce the risks of state fragmentation – a major concern in the region. Demonstrating that the threats of further fragmentation and conflict due to the crisis of governance are likely to continue unless serious steps are taken to deal with the situation, the book will be an important read for researchers and policy makers with an interest in peacemaking, politics, constitutional law, and federalism in the region.

Fiscal Federalism: A Comparative Introduction is a concise introduction to the ways in which the world's federations manage their finances. Topics covered include the distribution of taxation powers among different levels of government; regional equalization schemes; authority over natural resource revenues; and the impact of federal systems of government on pension, welfare, and income assistance programs. The book targets second-, third-, and fourth-year courses in Federalism and Comparative Politics at the university level, and will also be useful for practitioners and civil servants.

Across the ages, technological developments have been accelerated by the military. This results from the fact that able-bodied vibrant youths are generally involved and are also exposed to high-tech training prevailing at their times for assignments (defence and security) that are essential but not desired. They form the Armed Forces for the nations. Such brilliant military officers like Caesar and Napoleon made their marks; and, in contemporary times, the Armed Forces of United States, France, Britain, Australia, etc are making remarkable contributions to technological developments. Such infrastructure as the Internet, the GPS and the cell phones are products that have significant military contributions. This book scans across the major regions of the world, highlights the efforts of representative countries in the regions and observes that nations that have harnessed the efforts of their Armed Forces have progressively developed. It is also observed that developments in America and Europe, though not entirely dependent on their Armed Forces, have been greatly affected by their efforts. In Asia, such countries as the People's Republic of China, Brazil, India, Pakistan and Singapore utilise the human and material resources within the Armed Forces for national growth and cohesion. Development effort is least in the African Region, except South Africa and Egypt; notwithstanding the high potentials as exhibited by Nigeria's Armed Forces. Although attempts to industrialise through the Armed Forces may be able to create economic development for developing nations, such factors as historical background, economic resources, political climate, government policies and infrastructure are equally important. Economic development programme of an aspiring country should: i. promote education and access to knowledge ii. aspire to economic self-sufficiency in economic power iii. allow and promote private sector and foreign participation in defence production, research and development iv. commit itself to the establishment and support of defence industries v. indigenise defence programmes, establish a balance between military and economic development and vi. mobilise the nation's economy through technology partnership with the private sector and foreign investors.

Over the last decade, land governance has become a major priority for the development community.1 A particular focus has been on sub-Saharan Africa due to the recognized paradox of high levels of land availability and low productivity in the region (see Deininger et al. 2012). While poor land governance systems have long been identified as a key reason for this disjuncture, the relatively recent large-scale impetus to improve land governance emerged from the inclusion of land management in 2009 as one of the four pillars under the African Union’s Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Develop-ment Program (CAADP). Subsequently, in the wake of the G-8’s launch of the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutri-tion in 2012, many international initiatives have emerged to promote better land governance. These include the African Union’s Land Policy Initiative (AULPI) and the World Bank’s Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF). At the national level in Africa, land registration and land titling are the most common approaches to reform (Sikor and Müller 2009), with governments selecting among a broad spectrum of modalities to pilot. These include rural land use plans in some francophone countries (e.g., Benin, Burkina Faso, and Côte d’Ivoire), systematic land tenure regularization (Ethio-pia, Madagascar, Rwanda), and communal land demarcation and registration (e.g., Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania) (see Byamugisha 2013).

Defensive Federalism presents an original contribution to the field of federalism and multinational democracies, exploring the concept of defensive federalism as a protection of self- government against the "tyranny of the majority". The empirical evidence on federal and regional polities often shows critical imbalances in the territorial division of powers beyond what has been formally established in the constitutional rules. This volume highlights the rights, institutions, decision- making processes and procedural rules that can protect and develop the practical political, economic and cultural powers of federated and regional entities, especially those linked to territorial national minorities. The authors focus on federalism as a safeguard of self- rule, as well as a set of institutional and procedural rules to avoid the territorial dimension of the "tyranny of the majority". They answer two fundamental questions: how is it possible to design new stable and fairer federal agreements between national minorities and majorities where there is no single ideal solution? Is there a need for a new kind of "defensive federal model" for approaching national pluralism in liberal democracies? This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of federalism, national diversity and democracy, as well as policymakers and practitioners in both public and private institutions. Chapter 8 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 license available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com