First no. of each vol. contains index to previous vol.

The Subversive Activities Prevention Law (SAPL) was the last major controversial law to be drafted at the end of the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952) which was managed and controlled by General Headquarters (GHQ) under U.S. General MacArthur and was enacted into law after Japan had regained its formal independence in 1952. Soon after the Occupation began, prewar Japanese internal security laws were ordered abolished by the Occupation. Now that Japan would be re-gaining its independence in 1952, there was urgency to creating a new integrated national internal security law to fill the vacuum created by the Occupation, 1945-1952. The Subversive Activities Prevention Law was to be the centerpiece for maintaining internal security in the new independent Japan. It turned out to be an extremely controversial law that was vociferously opposed by the political opposition in and out of the Diet in light of the prewar history, surrounding how such internal security laws were implemented by the state security apparatus. The demonstrations in 1951-52 against the proposed law, organized by the labor unions, were the largest, loudest and most determined since the end of the war. This publication is the first analysis in English on how this law was drafted and debated, supported and opposed, using the 20+ drafts of the law, and the subsequent deliberations concerning the proposed law in the Houses of Representatives and Councillors. A short epilogue - since over 50 years have elapsed since the law was initially enacted in 1952 - analyzes the implementation of the law during these years. "The Subversive Activities Prevention Law of Japan, Its Creation, 1951-1952" will be of particular interest to those studying the Allied Occupation of Japan, the Japanese political and legislative process and its internal security laws.

Japan is one of the most media-saturated societies in the world. The circulations of its "big five" national newspapers dwarf those of any major American newspaper. Its public service broadcasting agency, NHK, is second only to the BBC in size. And it has a full range of commercial television stations, high-brow and low-brow magazines, and a large anti-mainstream media and mini-media. Japanese elites rate the mass media as the most influential group in Japanese society. But what role do they play in political life? Whose interests do the media serve? Are the media mainly servants of the state, or are they watchdogs on behalf of the public? And what effects do the media have on the political beliefs and behavior of ordinary Japanese people? These questions are the focus of this collection of essays by leading political scientists, sociologists, social psychologists, and journalists. Japan's unique kisha (press) club system, its powerful media business organizations, the uses of the media by Japan's wily bureaucrats, and the role of the media in everything from political scandals to shaping public opinion, are among the many subjects of this insightful and provocative book.

Agriculture is one of the most politically powerful sectors in Japanese national politics. This book provides the first comprehensive account of the political power of Japanese farmers. This definitive text analyses the organisational and electoral bais of farmers' political power, including the role of agricultural interest groups, the mobilisation of the farm vote and links between farmers and politicians in the Diet. Agrarian power has helped to produce the distinctly pro-rural, anti-urban bias of postwar Japanese governments, resulting in a general neglect of urban consumer interests and sustained opposition to market opening for farm products. This book represents a major study of Japanese agricultural organisations in their multifarious roles as interest groups, agents of agricultural administration, electoral resource providers and mammouth business groups. It describes the policy issues that engage farmers' concerns and identifies the agricultural commodities that carry the greatest political significance.

The volume opens with a detailed autobiographical sketch of the author's original 'meeting with Japan', which began in 1961after taking up a post at ANU, Canberra (the result of a successful response to an advert in the Manchester Guardian). After twenty-one years in Australia, Arthur Stockwin moved back to the UK to take the chair of the then recently-established Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies. He was to be in post there also for twenty one years, his retirement coinciding with publication of his Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Japan (Routledge, 2003).