The UN's record in peace operations is long, various, distinguished by both accomplishments and failures, and most importantly, innovative. Unfulfilled expectations and escalating violence in Somalia, Rwanda, and Bosnia forced retrenchment upon UN peace operations_but at the same time, a new opportunity to enhance capacities, review strategies, redefine roles, and reaffirm responsibilities has opened up. Here, a dynamic group of leading diplomats, academics, and journalists combines forces with UN policymakers and leaders including current Secretary-General Kofi Annan and former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to explore how the international community can improve its practice in negotiating and implementing peace. They look at what works and what doesn't in UN peacemaking and peacekeeping, and then map out alternative futures for UN action in the 21st century.

In 1981 the Organization of African Unity (OAU) mandated and fielded the first regional peacekeeping operation since the Arab League's mission in Kuwait 20 years earlier. Battalion-sized contingents from Nigeria, Senegal, and Zaire were joined by smaller observer contingents from other OAU members in an effort to provide a buffer zone between the two main factions in the Chadian civil war. Mays opens his analysis by providing an overview of the concept of peacekeeping. Several definitions are offered to help distinguish between the various types of peace operations. After examining the concept hegemon, he looks at the ways regional and subregional hegemons utilize peacekeeping operations as foreign policy tools as they protect their interests. Mays argues that Nigeria, as a West African hegemon, served as the moving force behind the mandating and fielding of the OAU peacekeeping mission in Chad. Rather than being purely humanitarian in nature, Nigeria's motivation included the removal of French and later Libyan soldiers from a weak state on its border. However, Nigeria could not perform the task alone. France and the United States were instrumental as well in the mandating and fielding process. French and American interests stemmed from concern over Libyan motives in Chad. Nigeria kept the effort to mandate the peacekeeping operation alive for two years; France proved to be the stimulus behind persuading the Chadian government to accept the deployment of OAU peacekeepers and prompting the Senegalese to contribute a battalion to the mission; the United States contributed by keeping France and Nigeria focused on a peacekeeping solution and helping persuade Zaire to join the mission. Mays offers the first comprehensive examination of the OAU peacekeeping mission and reviews the political and military organization of the force as well as its deployment, redeployment plans, logistics, and operations between the Chadian factions. Utilizing an extensive collection of resources, including interviews with participants, diplomats, and government documents, he provdies a detailed examination of every meeting/conference between 1979 and 1981 that discussed a peacekeeping option for Chad. Factors of success in traditional peacekeeping operations are applied to the OAU mission, and he concludes by reviewing the impact of the 1981-1982 OAU operation on current African peacekeeping trends. An invaluable analysis for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with peacekeeping, international relations, and African studies.

Mays (political science, The Citadel) presents entries on important people, military missions and other events, concepts, organizations, related to the major peacekeeping operations conducted by international organizations since 1920. He first presents a

"Fortna demonstrates that peacekeeping is an extremely effective policy tool, dramatically reducing the risk that war will resume. Moreover, she explains that relatively small and militarily weak consent-based peacekeeping operations are often just as effective as larger, more robust enforcement missions. Fortna examines the causal mechanisms of peacekeeping, paying particular attention to the perspective of the peacekept--the belligerents themselves--on whose decisions the stability of peace depends."--publisher website.

This timely volume explores the “dark side” of United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping in Africa: when rather than help establish a rule of law in the host country, they become perpetrators of crime. The work of the UN peacekeepers is generally comprised of police and military personnel, from countries who contribute voluntarily to assist war-torn countries create conditions for lasting peace. Overall, these peacekeeping efforts are perceived positively, with volunteers giving their time and risking their lives to bring normalcy and peace to civilians in countries with conflict. In fact, there are cases where UN Peacekeepers are sometimes the victims of violent crimes, and need security and protection themselves. Although instances of abuse are not widespread and are certainly not isolated to Africa, this work focuses on Africa because there is a high concentration of UN Peacekeepers there, and lessons learned can be applied to other regions. The instances of abuse cover serious crimes including sexual abuse and exploitation, child and arms trafficking, and corruption, all of some of the most vulnerable populations in the world at the time. Although these instances are not extensive, they remain a fundamental problem because there is no existing mechanism for prosecution in the international area: it is only the troops’ home country, not the UN, who has the right to exercise criminal jurisdiction. The also undermine the good work that UN Peacekeepers are doing all over the world. This work is concerned with highlighting why these instances occur, and why specific forms of abuse are more prevalent than others. It also discusses how to prevent abuse and violations from happening in the first place, and creating a culture of change and accountability. Finally, taking into account cultural and legal systems from troops’ home countries, the author considers the ways that local rules can be aligned with international standards. In will be of interest to researchers in Criminology and Criminal Justice, International Relations, Sociology and Demography, Public Health, Comparative Law, and other related disciplines.

Edited by World Peace Foundation president Robert I. Rotberg, the chapters in this volume focus on preventing outbreaks of civil war and other vicious internal conflicts in Africa. The contributors review the sorry state of African conflict prevention and weigh the merits of new methods of peace enforcement, including militant early intervention by African crisis response forces to avoid or reduce intrastate mayhem. Peacekeeping and Peace Enforcement in Africa assesses the realities and challenges of reducing the frequency of civil warfare in Africa. It features a detailed report of extensive candid discussions of these issues by leading African ministers of defense and chiefs of staff.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a military alliance established by the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty on April 4, 1949. The treaty was signed by Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, France, United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Portugal, Italy, Norway, Denmark and Iceland. Today there are a total of 26 countries that belong to NATO. The A to Z of NATO and Other International Security Organizations covers the Atlantic Alliance's origins, structure and organization through a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and over 1,000 cross-referenced dictionary entries on its Secretaries-Generals, its Supreme Allied Commanders-Europe, plus all affiliated organizations created to enhance NATO's reach in a broader Euro-Atlantic security architecture (e.g., North Atlantic Consultative Council, Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, NATO-Russia Charter; NATO-Ukraine Charter, and NATO-Mediterranean Dialogue Partners). This book also covers other related regional organizations with security responsibilities in Europe and worldwide where they interact with NATO, either currently (e.g. ANZUS, ASEAN, European Union, Organization of African Unity, Organization of American States, Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and United Nations) or in the past (e.g. CENTO, European Defence Community, SEATO, Warsaw Pact, and Western European Union).