Bringing together experts on Roman history, the history of classical scholarship, and the history of international law, this book analyzes the context, making, and impact of the great Italian Renaissance scholar Carlo Sigonio (1522/3-84) and his reconstruction of the Roman colonial model.

Filling a surprising gap in existing studies, this book addresses many of the unanswered questions surrounding the role of european integration in shaping national defence policy. The impressive array of contributors consider the pressures on state policy emanating from the process of integration. The book is divided into three distinct parts: * an outline of the tortuous history of attempts to link defence with European integration * a study of the four larger member states - France, Germany, Italy and the UK as well as a chapter on The Netherlands; * an analysis of the effects of the nuclear weapons and arms procurement policies. This, the second book in The State and the European Union series, sheds light on an increasingly important and topical aspect of contemporary European security and will be essential reading for those studying European Politics, Public Policy and International Relations.

This comparative study harks back to the revolutionary year of 1989 and asks two critical questions about the resulting reconfiguration of Europe in the aftermath of the collapse of communism: Why did Central and East European states display such divergent outcomes of their socio-political transitions? Why did three of those states—Poland, Bulgaria, and Russia—differ so starkly in terms of the pace and extent of their integration into Europe? Rumena Filipova argues that Poland’s, Bulgaria’s, and Russia’s dominating conceptions of national identity have principally shaped these countries’ foreign policy behavior after 1989. Such an explanation of these three nations’ diverging degrees of Europeanization stands in contrast to institutionalist-rationalist, interest-based accounts of democratic transition and international integration in post-communist Europe. She thereby makes a case for the need to include ideational factors into the study of International Relations and demonstrates that identities are not easily malleable and may not be as fluid as often assumed. She proposes a theoretical “middle-ground” argument that calls for “qualified post-positivism” as an integrated perspective that combines positivist and post-positivist orientations in the study of IR.

"The World We Wish to See presents a sweeping view of twentieth-century political history and a stirring appeal to take political organization seriously. Amin offers provocative analysis of contemporary resistance to neoliberalism, while boldly calling for a new global movement, 'an internationalism of peoples, ' to challenge the current order and fashion a better world. Throughout the last century, great revolutions, the socialist and communist internationals, and national liberation movements presented a serious challenge to global capital. Neoliberalism and the U.S. drive for military hegemony have given birth to new political and social movements and new attempts at international organization, such as the World Social Forum. Amin maps these oppositional formations, new and old, critically assessing their potential and limitations for the revolutionary project today. The World We Wish to See draws a distinction between 'political cultures of conflict' and 'political cultures of consensus.' Amin explains that effective opposition must be based in a 'convergence in diversity' of the world's oppressed and exploited -- workers, students, peasants and other opponents of the neoliberal order. What is required today is a new 'international' with an open and flexible organizational structure to coordinate the work of oppositional movements around the globe. Included in this volume is the full text of the Bamako Appeal, described as a Communist Manifesto for our age, and Amin's provocative new essay 'Political Islam in the Service of Imperialism.' Amin's masterful analysis offers new ground for realizing the world we wish to see."--Http://www.monthlyreview.org (April 19, 2011).

In the history of political thought, the emergence of the modern state in early modern England has usually been treated as the development of an increasingly centralizing and expansive national sovereignty. Recent work in political and social history, however, has shown that the state—at court, in the provinces, and in the parishes—depended on the authority of local magnates and the participation of what has been referred to as "the middling sort." This poses challenges to scholars seeking to describe how the state was understood by contemporaries of the period in light of the great classical and religious textual traditions of political thought. State and Commonwealth presents a new theory of state and society by expanding on the usual treatment of "commonwealth" in pre–Civil War English history. Drawing on works of theology, moral philosophy, and political theory—including Martin Bucer's De Regno Christi, Thomas Smith's De Republica Anglorum, John Case's Sphaera Civitatis, Francis Bacon's essays, and Thomas Hobbes's early works—Noah Dauber argues that the commonwealth ideal was less traditional than often thought. He shows how it incorporated new ideas about self-interest and new models of social order and stratification, and how the associated ideal of distributive justice pertained as much to the honors and offices of the state as to material wealth. Broad-ranging in scope, State and Commonwealth provides a more complete picture of the relationship between political and social theory in early modern England.

The great geopolitician, Halford J. Mackinder, had the dream that Monsoon Asia, when it grows to prosperity, will balance those who “live between Missouri and the Yenisei.” In Asia in Post-Western Age, Niraj Kumar offers a vivid picture of the global distribution of material power and the emergence of three pan-regions, envisaged by German Nazi geopolitician, Karl Haushofer, fuelled by the logic of regionalised globalisation. These pan-regions will be glued by corresponding Pan-Ideas of Atlanticism, Eurasianism and Asianism. The trialectics between these three pan-regions will establish harmony and balance. The diplomacy in multipolar world will no longer be deciphered through the sports metaphor of chess, football or boxing, but the universal game of hopscotch. Asia in Post-Western Age is an indispensable interdisciplinary work about contemporary global conflicts as well as future trends, and proposes a way to establish Kant’s “perpetual peace.”

Constitutions and Religion is the first major reference work in the emerging field of comparative constitutional law and religion. It offers a nuanced array of perspectives on various models for the treatment of religion in domestic and supranational legal orders.

Francois Mitterrand is one of France's most famous twentieth-century politicians, yet interpretations of his values and leadership vary widely. Alistair Cole starts with a chronological overview of Mitterrand's career which is developed into a policy-based assessment of Mitterrand's presidency from 1981-93. By evaluating Mitterrand's policies in relation to various key roles such as the party leader, the President, the dispenser of patronage, the European statesman and the World Leader, this book places his leadership in comparative perspective, and offers a new understanding of him as an individual political leader. This book will be invaluable for students of contemporary European politics as well for those interested in the career of one of Europe's leading statesmen.

Written between 1982 and 1989, this collection contains the author's perspective on the events of this period. The book also charts the development of a challenge to the dominant "geoculture": the cultural framework within which the world-system operates.

Poses the question: to what extent did it make a difference to those living in the colonies that made up British North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that they were part of an empire and that the empire in question was British?