In 1998, the Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court (ICC) emerged as a groundbreaking treaty both due to its codification of international criminal law and its recognition of the crimes committed against women in times of war and conflict. The ICC criminalized acts of rape, sexual slavery, and enforced pregnancy, amongst others, to provide the most advanced articulation ever of gender based violence under international law. However, thus far no scholarly book has analyzed whether or not the implementation of the ICC has been successful. The Politics of Gender Justice at the International Criminal Court fills this intellectual gap, specifically examining the gender justice design features of the Rome Statute (the foundation of the ICC), and assessing the effectiveness of the statute's implementation in the first decade of the court's operation. Louise Chappell argues that although the ICC has provided mixed outcomes for gender justice, there have also been a number of important breakthroughs, particularly in regards to support for female judges. Meticulous and comprehensive, this book refines the notion of gender justice principles and adds a valuable, but as yet unrecognized, gender dimension to the burgeoning historical institutionalist approach to international relations. Chappell links feminist international relations literature with feminist institutionalism literature for the first time, thereby strengthening and adding to both fields. Ultimately, Chappell's analysis is an essential step towards attaining a greater degree of gender equality in the context of international law. The definitive volume on gender and the ICC, The Politics of Gender Justice at the International Criminal Court is a valuable resource for students and scholars of international relations, international law, and human rights.

The book analyses patterns of women’s political participation and evaluates disparity between levels of women’s participation in politics and representation in governance in Nigeria. It also examines the causes of women’s underrepresentation in governance and decision-making as well as their implications for the country’s socioeconomic development and describes strategies for increased women’s representation in governance and decision-making in Nigeria. This study relies on political-culture and liberal-feminist theory and adopts a mixed-method research design involving quantitative and qualitative methods. It uses multistage sampling in selecting Nigeria’s South-East, North-West and South-West geopolitical-zones and 1206 women of electoral age for the study survey conducted using structured questionnaire and in-depth interview.

This Set Has Provided An Objective Critique Of The Contradictions And Consequences Of The Development And Disparities. Tackling As It Does Varies Concers Which Are Of Growing Importance In Most Developing Countries, The Collection In These 2 Volumes Set Is Of Thought Provoking Critical Reviews/Papers/Articles From India And Abroad Which Would Appeal To A Wide Range Of Readers.

The open access publication of this book has been published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation. By taking an innovative perspective, Gender Equality in the Mirror aims to advance the debate on gender equalities and to engage with the complexities of their practical implications in everyday life. Through the voice of women who are contributing with their life and work to the pursuit of the collective task of inclusion, the volume develops an original analysis of the socio-economic and political dimension of gender parity to frame implementing pathways of aspirational human rights principles. Gender Equality in the Mirror explores these dimensions with the ultimate aim of raising broad awareness of the need to invest in women’s empowerment for the construction of our society.

According to the author, the subordination of Chinese women continued under different models of sex equality in China in twentieth century. In Reconceiving Women's Equality in China Lijun Yuan discusses and assesses four models of womenOs equality: first, the traditional Confucian view of women which advocates that womenOs role is to follow and support men; second, the liberal feminist idea of formal equality for women introduced into China at the beginning of the twentieth century, which is anti-Confucian and advocates womenOs equal rights in education, law, and employment; third, MaoOs view of womenOs equality in production, calling for substantive equality between men and women; finally, the idea of equal opportunity in the economic transformation in the post-Mao period, the revival of Confucianism in this period and its convergence with the declining status of women. According to Yuan, each of these models has a variety of problems in dealing with womenOs equality. However, she sees one common thread running through all of them, namely, lack of emphasis on empowering women to develop their own visions of equality. Ideologies imposed from the top-down have rationalized the continuing subordination and exploitation of women, either blatantly (Confucianism) or more subtly (Maoism). After exposing the common feature in their failure to reach the social ideal of womenOs equality, the author proposes a more democratic conception of womenOs equality that will allow ideals to continue changing as material circumstances change in different stages of social development. This book is a seminal work of research on the status of women in China during and after Mao's cultural revolution. It is essential to studies of Chinese society, politics, and religion, as well as to women's studies and philosophy.

This interdisciplinary book explores how the policy goal of gender equality operates in arguably the most masculinist area of politics: peace and security. Gender equality was set on the international peace and security agenda with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 and the inception of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. Celebrated internationally as an outcome of feminist advocacy efforts, the WPS agenda has over time become a site of contestation. Security institutions have questioned the placement of the gender equality objective within the peace and security sector, whereas feminist advocates have expressed their concerns about the capacity of security institutions to support gender equality in meaningful ways. Drawing on insights of nearly seventy UN, government, international and local civil society experts, the book offers a systematic take on key gender equality debates within the WPS agenda in the case studies of UN Security Council, ASEAN and Pacific Islands Forum, and Governments of the Philippines and Australia. By looking back at the dilemmas of gender equality policymaking and their paradoxical effects in conflict and post-conflict situations, the book also looks forward to the third decade of the WPS agenda and the long-term impact of the agenda on the political struggle for gender equality in peace and security.

Investigates the often controversial relationship between gender, equality and education from international and comparative perspectives. This volume also investigates whether gender equality in education is really being achieved in schools around the world or not.

This report maps strategies, governance tools, institutional settings and innovative approaches used by governments across the OECD to drive and support society-wide gender equality goals. It covers all state institutions, including legislatures and judiciaries, and discusses the challenges ...

How can we promote people-centered governance in Africa? Cell phones/ information and communications technology (ICT) are shown to be linked to neoliberal understandings of more democratic governance structures, defined by the Worldwide Governance Indicators as: the rule of law, corruption-control, regulation quality, government effectiveness, political stability/no violence, and voice and accountability. However, these indicators fall short: they do note emphasize gender equity or pro-poor policies. Writing from an African feminist scholar-activist perspective, Assata Zerai emphasizes the voices of women in two ways: (1) she examines how women's access to ICT makes a difference to the success of people-centered governance structures; and (2) she demonstrates how African women's scholarship, too often marginalized, must be used to expand and redefine the goals and indicators of democratice governance in African countries. Challenging the status quo that praises the contributions of cell phones to the diffusion of knowledge and resultant better governance in Africa, this book is an important read for scholars of politics and technology, gender and politics, and African Studies.

Provisioning for basic human needs is done in three main kind of institutions: the familial household; the commercial enterprise selling goods and services; the institutions of the Welfare State that provide education, medical care and other goods and personal services to all or to some specific groups of citizens in need. The purpose of this book is to study the interplay of these institutions and their impact on well-being, and to analyze key policies and measures that have been implemented in European countries. Institutions determine labour demand (men and women are hired by the institutions of the Welfare State or by market providers of care), the possibilities of consumption (wages earned can be used to buy goods and services only if such goods and services are provided by the market) and allocate people's time, in particular women's time, between paid work and unpaid domestic production and provision of care, shaping both the gender relations and time use of people of both sexes. The proper balance of these institutions is a prerequisite of well-being both of the care givers and of the care receivers, and also for satisfactory gender relations. The chapters in this book focus on the following sub-topics: gender and welfare regimes; gender, well-being and the provision of care in the family and the household; and gender and well-being in the labour market. They emphasise the interdependence of social and labour market policies in the context of fundamental changes in both working patterns (the increase in female labour-force participation rates) and social needs (including population ageing) and demonstrate that we need a more integrated approach to welfare policy which takes account not only of basic welfare entitlements, but also the need for supportive forms of service provision and employment regulation.