This book intends to offer an alternative lens for regionalism studies in Southeast Asia. Despite of its widely acknowledged status as one of the most successful regionalism, ASEAN still suffers from numerous obstacles. Yet, in the midst of ASEAN uncertain future trajectories, there is only limited consensus on how to approach ASEAN regionalism. Scholars of ASEAN regionalism tend to use ASEAN identity as the main explanation of cooperation among ASEAN member states. However, this approach suffers from limitations. Emphasis on static, traditional, and all-encompassing identity has made issue-specific cooperation and its internal dynamics neglected. The way issue-specific cooperation alters ASEAN architectures also remains understudied. By shifting attentions to issue-specific cooperation, this book attempts to fully grasp the dynamics of 50 years of ASEAN cooperation. Why could ASEAN member states reach consensus in certain issues—ranging from energy, environment, human rights, disaster management, human security, to infectious disease—albeit ASEAN values such as non-interference and informality? How do these practices of cooperation reshape the idea of ASEAN values? Will the changing practice of issue-specific cooperation spillover to the strengthening of ASEAN regionalism?

This volume addresses the problem of military and economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the impact of the end of the Cold War, on the evolution of its four regional subsystems (Australasia, Southern Asia, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia), the level of institutionalization in its economic and military dimensions, and the tendency towards regional amity or regional enmity. It investigates the regional institutions of military and economic security organizing the interstate relations of the Asia-Pacific; assesses the military and economic ambitions of China, Japan, and the United States; and suggests that the 'clash of civilizations' thesis is of limited use in understanding the dynamics of interstate relations in this centrally important area of the world. Contributors are Shigekio N. Fukai, Haruhiro Fukui, Norman A. Graham, Steven A. Hoffmann, Jim Rolfe, Sheldon Simon, James Sperling, and Robert M. Uriu.

This volume provides an introduction to the Eastern Mediterranean region and introduces the concept of the Eastern Mediterranean as a new regional subsystem. Due to recent events in contemporary international politics, the Eastern Mediterranean can be seen as a laboratory where the balance of power among Great Powers and regional states are being tested. Written by leading academics in their respective fields, this book addresses key developments in the area and argues that the Eastern Mediterranean should be viewed as a distinct region. Particular emphasis is given to the initiatives undertaken by Israel, Greece, Cyprus, and Turkey; the role played by the United States and Russia; and the issues of energy, migration, and Islamic terrorism. Bringing together relevant information and theoretical debates, this book will be of interest to graduate students and academics studying international relations and politics in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as policymakers and journalists who want to have a clearer understanding of developments in the region.

Papers presented at a seminar organized by the Institute of Chinese Studies, New Delhi and India International Centre; most on socio-economic topics.

This book provides a multi-level analysis of international security in the South Caucasus. Using an expanded and adapted version of Regional Security Complex Theory, it studies both material conditions and discourses of insecurity in its assessment of the region's possible transition towards a more peaceable future.

Focuses on physical, social and applied athropology, archaeology, linguistics and symbolic communication. Topics include hominid evolution, primate behaviour, genetics, ancient civilizations, cross-cultural studies and social theories.

In 1997 Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war, engaged in a very real power struggle. Turkey was aligned with Syria's main enemy, Israel, and there were seemingly intractable differences on the issues of borders, the sharing of river waters and trans-border communities. In less than a decade, relations were transformed from enmity to amity. Border issues and water sharing quarrels were moving towards amicable settlement and the two states' policies toward the Kurdish issue converging. Turkey undertook to mediate the Syrian-Israeli conflict and close political and economic relations were developing rapidly between the two states. Yet, with the Syrian Uprising, relations returned to enmity. What explains these remarkable changes? Given that Turkey and Syria are two pivotal states in the region, what are the implications of this changing relationship for the international politics of the Middle East, the balance of power and regional stability? In this internationally collaborative work, co-edited by Raymond Hinnebusch and Özlem Tür, British, Syrian and Turkish scholars address these questions and examine the various domestic and international drivers in this key regional relationship. They discuss what theories best help us understand these seismic realignments and explore the impact of economic interdependence, identity changes and power balances on the evolving relationship between these two key regional powers.

This study analyzes the factors that motivated both Syria and Turkey to mend their ties and enter into a friendly relationship with each other since 2002 (when AKP came to power). The study also looks at the factors which contributed towards the abrupt breaking of ties and growing antagonism between the two countries in the aftermath of the 'Arab Uprising'. This book is important because it is concerned with the region, which has remained volatile since the time of its creation, and more importantly, the repercussions of the ongoing turmoil have already transcended the boundaries and are bound to have further serious consequences. Turkey and Syria being the two significant countries. Hence, the relationship between the two has a bigger say in the region than that of the world.