Against a background of rapid industrialization and economic transformation, the author describes the structure of British naval administration in the Gladstone-Disraeli era, assesses the important reforms of that structure by the Liberal politician Hugh Childers, and examines the strategic and operational contexts of the navy itself.

This study of ideological politics in Victorian and Edwardian England centers on a referendal theory promoted by the great Lord Salisbury when he opposed William Gladstone's Liberal gov'ts. It was subsequently carried forward in the form of the referendum by Salisbury's son-in-law and ideological heir, the second Lord Selborne. Salisbury is today recognized as the most successful electorally of Conservative leaders. Selborne, though not as well known to historians, had a high contemporary reputation as an imperial proconsul who had united S. Africa. According to the referendal theory, the House of Lords had a duty to refer disputed legislation to the electorate when the House of Commons, in the lords' judgment, lacked a mandate for the measure in question. That is, the lords' political barometer was not the commons, as Gladstone contended, but the nat. at large. If this proposition prevailed, the lords could freely exercise an independent legislative veto in an age of expanding democracy. Not until the Liberals passed the Parliament Act (1911) were they able to counter the theory effectively. But well before this, Selborne's advocacy of the referendum was challenged by another Conservative leader, Lord Curzon, who had served for a decade as viceroy of India. Their rivalry is one of this study's most provocative and illuminating themes.

Reprint of this private correspondence with a new introduction which places Ramm's edition in its historical and literary context.

Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891) wrote remarkably little about himself, but he has attracted the attention of many writers, politicians, and scholars, both during his lifetime and ever since. His controversial and provocative role in Irish and British affairs had him vilified as a murderer in The Times, and afterwards dramatically vindicated by the Westminster Parliament. It cast him as a romantic hero to the young James Joyce, and a self-serving opportunist to the journalists of the Nation. Parnell has been the subject of court cases, parliamentary enquiries and debates, journalism, plays, poems, literary analysis and historical studies. For the first time all these have been collected, catalogued and cross-referenced in one volume, an invaluable resource for scholars of late nineteenth century Ireland and Britain. Divided into fifteen chapters, including a biographical sketch, the volume contains information on manuscript and archival collections, printed primary sources, Parnell's writing, Parnell's speeches in the House of Commons and outside Parliament, contemporary journalism, contemporary writing, and contemporary illustrations on Irish affairs, and a substantial list of scholarly work, including biographies, books, articles, chapters, and theses. This volume offers readers a clear record of the substantial material already available on Parnell, and in doing so offers resources to future research in this area.

W.E. Gladstone was four times Prime Minister and an MP for sixty-three years. This is a major biography of the most famous Victorian statesman.

Spanning six decades from 1833-1891, the correspondence of Henry Edward Manning and William Ewart Gladstone provides significant insights into debates on Church-State realignments, the entanglements of Anglican Old High Churchmen and Tractarians, and the relationships between Roman Catholics and the British Government.