Impartial documentation and background information fundamental to the understanding of Arab-Israeli relations. Key Features: * covers in detail the years since the first Arab-Israeli war and the statehood of Israel, in 1947-48, to the most recent developments in relations between Israel, the emerging Palestinian political entities and the Arab States * a chronology provides an at-a-glance record of events from 1947 until the present day * a 'Documents on Palestine' section gives essential background to the various ongoing areas of dispute * profiles of prominent political figures * a bibliography section * a series of maps illustrating the history of Arab-Israeli conflict and recent peace initiatives and settlement issues.

Impartial documentation and background information fundamental to the understanding of Arab-Israeli relations. Key Features: * Covers in detail the years since the first Arab-Israeli war and the statehood of Israel, in 1947-48, to the most recent developments in relations between Israel, the emerging Palestinian political entities and the Arab States * A chronology provides an at-a-glance record of events from 1947-2001 * A Documents on Palestine section gives essential background to the various ongoing areas of dispute * Profiles of prominent political figures * A bibliography section * A series of maps illustrating the history of Arab-Israeli conflict and recent peace initiatives and settlement issues.

The new third edition of this highly regarded title provides a comprehensive guide to this complex region.

This Foucault-inspired analysis of the degeneration of the Oslo Process into direct Palestinian-Israeli violence critically examines the ideas and practices that define Palestinian-Israeli relations. The text offers a radically different peace proposal that moves far beyond exhausted calls for confidence-building measures and/or an end to settlement construction.

This is the first study to introduce the subject of Arab-Jewish relations and encounters in Israel from both conflict resolution and educational perspectives. Through a critical examination of Arab and Jewish encounter programs in Israel, the book reviews conflict resolution and intergroup theories and processes which are utilized in dealing with ethnic conflicts and offers a detailed presentation of intervention models applied by various encounter programs to promote dialogue, education for peace, and democracy between Arabs and Jews in Israel. The author investigates how encounter designs and processes can become part of a control system used by the dominant governmental majority's institutes to maintain the status quo and reinforce political taboos. Also discussed are the different conflict perceptions held by Arabs and Jews, the relationship between those perceptions, and both sides' expectations of the encounters. Abu-Nimer explores the impact of the political context (Intifada, Gulf War, and peace process) on the intervention design and process of those encounter groups, and contains a list of recommendations and guidelines to consider when designing and conducting encounters between ethnic groups. He reveals and explains why the Arab and Jewish encounter participants and leaders have different criteria of their encounter's success and failure. The study is also applicable to dialogue and coexistence programs and conflict resolution initiatives in other ethnically divided societies, such as South Africa, Northern Ireland, Bosnia, and Sri Lanka, where the minority and majority have struggled to find peaceful ways to coexist.

This book surveys discourse and opinion in the United States toward the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1991. Contrary to popular myth, it demonstrates that U.S. support for Israel is not based on the pro-Israel lobby, but rather is deeply rooted in American political culture. That support has increased since 9/11. However, the bulk of this increase has been among Republicans, conservatives, evangelicals, and Orthodox Jews. Meanwhile, among Democrats, liberals, the Mainline Protestant Church, and non-Orthodox Jews, criticism of Israeli policies toward the Palestinians has become more vociferous. This book works to explain this paradox.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a multi-dimensional conflict with numerous forces working collectively from international structure, regional structure and domestic structure. This book aims to offer a comprehensive reading on the AIPAC, the U.S. Middle East Policy, Israel, structural fault lines, and creation of the Palestinian state. The book touches on specific aspects, such as; • The macro dimension of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. • U.S.-Israel Special Relationship (1948-2019). • The American Jewry. • The AIPAC and its modus operandi in U.S. • The U.S. Middle East Policy. • Future of the Palestinian State in the Middle East. AIPAC is the strongest American-Jewish lobby in the United States. Many critics argue that AIPAC able to influence the U.S. Middle East policy, thus jeopardizes the U.S. national interest. For many decades, intangible factor, the soft power of American Jewry has been serving the national interest of Israel. American domestic structure is embedded within liberal democratic values, enable the American Jewish lobbies to operate successfully. This phenomena attracted attention of many scholars, such as; Samuel P. Huntington and George F. Kennan, Tony Smith, David Truman, John J. Mearsheimer, and Stephen M. Walt to produce valuable literatures. John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt assert that the AIPAC is dangerous to U.S. national interest. AIPAC plays an important role in preserving the U.S.-Israel “special relationship” in the American soil through lobbying strategy. A triangular pattern of relationships prevail between AIPAC, Israel and the U.S. Middle East policy. AIPAC serves to preserve the “special relationship” between Israel and U.S. in periods of peace and turmoil. Some critics say AIPAC projects dual nationalism in their modus operandi. AIPAC represents the loyal American Jews who wish to see the United States of America remains strong and powerful in international system. At the same time, AIPAC loves and supports Israel as the Jewish national home. AIPAC aims to see Israel secured and able to survive in the volatile Middle East region. Apparently AIPAC has certain level of influence over the US Middle East policy in creation of the Palestinian state. AIPAC ensures creation of the Palestinian state is safe to Israel’s national interest and national security. AIPAC often tries to direct the U.S. Middle East policy towards other contagious issues in the region to divert U.S. attention in the Palestinian peace process. Success and failure in AIPAC’s lobby depend on U.S. national interest in the region. AIPAC never possess insurmountable power to influence the US Middle East policy. AIPAC able to influence the U.S. Middle East policy when there is a convergence factor with the U.S. national interest. The prime force in the U.S. Middle East policy is undoubtedly the U.S. national interest. Followed by Israel’s security, security and stability of the Middle East. However, AIPAC as an instrument of policy should not be excluded from the study on the Palestinian state.

The Arab Israeli Conflict is a fundamental research tool for students of the Middle East and for those responsible for U.S. policymaking in that area. It is a successor to John Norton Moore's widely acclaimed three-volume compilation of readings and documents on international law and the Arab Israeli conflict. Originally published in 1991. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Impartial documentation and background information fundamental to the understanding of Arab-Israeli relations. Key Features: * Covers in detail the years since the first Arab-Israeli war and the statehood of Israel, in 1947-48, to the most recent developments in relations between Israel, the emerging Palestinian political entities and the Arab States * A chronology provides an at-a-glance record of events from 1947-2001 * A Documents on Palestine section gives essential background to the various ongoing areas of dispute * Profiles of prominent political figures * A bibliography section * A series of maps illustrating the history of Arab-Israeli conflict and recent peace initiatives and settlement issues.

The dramatic global, regional and domestic changes that occurred after the unpredicted collapse of the Soviet Union have created a need to examine a host of theoretical and practical issues, particularly in regard to security and foreign relations. The U.S.-Israeli 'special relationships' is no exception. This seemed, and is still viewed as, one of the most solid and stable bilateral relationships. Yet the new international and domestic reality in both the U.S. and Israel warrants a thorough re-examination. The essays in this collection deal with, among other things, the general global setting and its implications for this relationship; with 'hard' strategic factors; and less tangible aspects, such as American images of Israel, the attitudes of other American religious denominations, and the situation of the American Jewish community.