The book acidly tells us a story of the rise and decline of one of the greatest empires ever—and surely the most prominent empire, as the existing one in our life time. The most prominent and as the statistical abstracts and documents of the US Congress reveal the most addicted of all empires to an old and continuous military interventionism in every corner of the world. At the beginning of his book the author lists and examines closely the new and century-old principles and doctrines incorporated into American foreign policy as a combination between diplomacy and war, and almost always the latter being the winner—i.e. American exceptionality, Monroe Doctrine, Teddy Roosevelt’s “Speak Soft and Carry a Big Stick” diplomacy, Show-the-Flag strategic idiom, Gunboat Diplomacy, Truman and Reagan doctrines, the Domino Theory, the neoconservative Project for a New American Century, Bush Jr. Doctrine of preventive wars etc. Then, quoting highly qualified American sources, the author shocks the reader as he concludes that “the US is no longer a truly democratic state, but one led by oligarchy, an ‘Elite’ that no longer represent the will of the population.” He also emphasizes with logical arguments the existence of the US “Military-industrial complex,” the Deep State, the Financial Cartel etc. He unveils an America in the twilight zone of secretive planning and leadership, strictly controlled global institutions, wars and neocolonialism in the Middle East, Latin America and East Europe, and of 75 years of Soviet Union/Russia incisive and limitless budgeted strategies of confrontation. Basically, in his book Mr. Atudorei exposes a perpetual chain of historical misdeeds having America as its originator: America addicted to militarism; an American militarism addicted to aggression, war and imperial supremacy; 240 years long and continuous American wars addicted to millions of victims; finally millions of victims forgotten by a political propaganda machine addicted to falsehood, deception and lies, and calling invasions, coup d’états and aerial bombings as “humanitarian interventions” bringing peace, freedom and democracy… Radu Toma When referring to the world hegemony of the US, the author points out that in fact the first victim of such a policy is the American people itself who became captive of more or less hidden centers of power (called in various ways: global oligarchy, the military-industrial complex, the financial-banking elite, etc.), centers that usurped the real power in the state and transformed the democratic political system into a simulacrum for the use of masses subject to sophisticated social engineering. Calistrat M. Atudorei shows that the US as an empire with pretention of absolute global supremacy tends to impose its dominance both through non-military wars—cultural, ideological, media, economic—as well as through direct military invasions aiming to punish regimes and nations that do not want to be subjected to them. Working with consistent arguments, the author emphasizes that the plans of subjugation of the whole world are neither recent nor do they relate to the preferences of people who become US presidents. On closer examination, the so-called hosts of the White House appear to us like ordinary puppets in the hands of forces behind the curtain. See in this regard, for example, the current US President Donald Trump’ case, who abandoned his electoral rhetoric, being shaped by the “Deep State” on the line of serving the interests of this all-powerful nebula to the detriment of the American people and peace in the world. Iurie Roşca

The book traces the origins of US hegemony from the planning conducted by the Council on Foreign Relations in the late 1930s to the implementation of strategies for US dominance at the Bretton Woods conference of 1944, where the US dollar was installed as the world's reserve currency. The book demonstrates how the US dollar's reserve currency status underpinned the economic primacy and power of the United States in the post-war period. It highlights the importance of the 1974 deal between the United States and Saudi Arabia to exchange US dollars for Saudi oil. It also examines the debate about the future of the US dollar's status within the global financial system.

With the end of the 'East-West' conflict in 1990, an entirely new constellation seemed to emerge for the first time in the history of mankind. This was perceived by the power elite in the USA as a useful challenge to lend its - until then territorially restricted - hegemony a global dimension. From the perspective of the US elites (Francis Fukuyama), a period of indefinite American control over the rest of the world, in which there would be no more scope for potential rivals to emerge, would characterize the end of history. But some years later, the USA had to accept that the dual hegemony it had built up together with the Soviet Union was fundamental to the continued existence of American hegemony. Its inability to sustain a global hegemony revealed itself in the severe setbacks it suffered in the three wars waged in Iraq, Afghanistan and against the so-called international terrorists. Undeterred by the USA's imminent isolation, influential US experts insisted that US policies were still in line with the US' general perception of its role in the world: firstly to work for the good of the world and, secondly, to exercise its military might even when the rest of the world opposed it. Ignored for a long time by these very experts were the emergence of the interregional Asian triangle (China, India, Russia), Europe's reorientation and, in consequence, the USA's relegation as a hegemonic power.

For many years now debates over America hegemony and its supposed decline have circulated academic circles. The neo-Gramscians have greatly enriched our knowledge in this field, developing some key theoretical tools and concepts, yet ontological inconsistencies, notably the downgrading of structure, has meant their explanation of the dynamics of the contemporary world order remains somewhat incomplete. In this book, Jonathan Pass aims to counter such oversights, drawing directly on the ideas of Antonio Gramsci (amongst others) to elaborate a more sophisticated, overtly materialist, theory of world hegemony, rooted in a critical realist philosophy of science. Through the lens of this Neo neo-Gramscian (NNG) approach the book examines the complex interplay of internal and external social forces responsible for the evolving 'nature' of US hegemony, from its establishment in the 1940s, passing through its different stages of crisis and restructuring up to the present. China's spectacular rise undoubtedly constitutes a 'world event', but is it potentially a 'world hegemon'? The book seeks to sheds some light on this question, analysing the economic and geopolitical significance of China's emergence and how it affects, and is affected by, both American hegemony and its own extremely delicate 'passive revolution' at home. American Hegemony in the 21st Century presents a major contribution to International Relations, International, Political Economy, Politics and Philosophy and will be of interest to researchers looking for a more sophisticated and convincing analysis of the dynamics of the contemporary world order.

We live in a period of great uncertainty about the fate of America's global leadership. Many believe that Donald Trump's presidency marks the end of liberal international order-the very system of global institutions, rules, and values that shaped the American international system since the end of World War II. Trump's repeated rejection of liberal order, criticisms of long-term allies of the US, and affinity for authoritarian leaders certainly undermines the American international system, but the truth is that liberal international order has been quietly eroding for at least 15 years. In Exit from Hegemony, Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon develop a new, integrated approach to understanding the rise and decline of hegemonic orders. Their approach identifies three distinct ways in which the liberal international order is undergoing fundamental transformation. First, Russia and China have targeted the order, positioning themselves as revisionist powers by establishing alternative regional institutions and pushing counter-norms. Second, weaker states are hollowing out the order by seeking patronage and security partnership from nations outside of the order, such as Saudi Arabia and China. Even though they do not always seek to disrupt American hegemony, these new patron-client relationships lack the same liberal political and economic conditions as those involving the United States and its democratic allies. Third, a new series of transnational networks emphasizing illiberalism, nationalism, and right-wing values increasing challenges the anti-authoritarian, progressive transnational networks of the 1990s. These three pathways erode the primacy of the liberal international order from above, laterally, and from below. The Trump administration, with its "America First" doctrine, accelerates all three processes, critically lessening America's position as a world power.

American power has been subjected to extensive analysis since September 11, 2001. While there is no consensus on the state of US hegemony or even on the precise meaning of the term, it is clear that under George W. Bush the US has not only remained the 'lone superpower' but has increased its global military supremacy. At the same time, the US has become more dependent on its economic, financial and geopolitical relationships with the rest of the world than at any other time in its history, markedly since the events of 9/11. The distinguished scholars in this volume critically interpret US hegemony from a range of theoretical and topical perspectives. They discuss the idea of empire in the age of globalization, critique the Bush doctrine, analyze the ideologies underpinning a new American imperialism and examine the influence of neo-conservatism on US foreign and domestic policy.

A major re-thinking of the concept of hegemony in international relations. On the basis of historical examples, Ian Clark presents an innovative scheme for rethinking hegemony, and applies it to the US role in international organizations, in East Asia, and in the policy on climate change.

Dr Stephen Gill examines the extent and nature of Americas as a hegemonic state.