This work argues that American literary scholarship enshrines a reactionary vision of history, of narrative, and of America itself. Carafiol examines the way idealist assumptions have been essential to doing American literary history and unwraps the implications of that symbiosis for current debates about the aims and methods of literary history in general. Carafiol directs his critique not only at traditional approaches to American literature but also at the most influential recent efforts by New Historicists and cultural critics to revise that tradition. Reconsidering the debate between ahistorical and historical models of literary study, he argues that works by such writers like Emerson and Thoreau subvert the claims of critics on both sides. Such writing is important, he proposes, not as timeless art or as social document, but as a voice that can speak powerfully in contemporary conversations, challenging literary critics in all fields to reconsider their critical assumptions and professional practices.

This book examines the political thought of Theodore Roosevelt, specifically his ceaseless desire and effort to reconcile America's individualistic tradition with the more collectivistic ideals of his Progressive brethren. Many scholars and lay-people alike cast Roosevelt as either 'conservative' or 'liberal,' but his political thought defies so simple an interpretation; it was more nuanced and had a larger purpose than mere ideology. A thorough study of Roosevelt's writings reveals his conviction that the concepts of personal autonomy and civic concern were not mutually exclusive. In fact, Roosevelt argued that it was because the principles of self-reliance and personal freedom were important that it was sometimes necessary for the entire community to use its collective power_and, in some cases, the institutions of the government_to enable individuals to do what they could not do alone. Moreover, while Roosevelt advocated and was responsible for a great expansion in the regulatory powers of the national government, he understood, in contrast to many other Progressive reformers, that inspirational rhetoric and positive example could be as good as institutional reform and the force of law in compelling individuals to support one another in a spirit of civic attachment. In his public writings, Roosevelt sought to shape the American mind in ways that he thought proper. Even his writings on nature, hunting, ranching, and military life were part of his political thought in that they were intended to teach Americans about the importance of balancing those individualistic values that are healthy and vital to a society (discipline, personal responsibility, and a strong work ethic) with such positive collectivistic values as an appreciation for mutual support and a concern for the good of the community.

Some Americans claim we should exclude Christian values from the public square. On the contrary, argues philosopher Jacques Maritain, good Christians make good citizens. They live by gospel values: honesty, integrity, and compassion. They obey the law. They resist the selfishness that unbelief and materialism breed. And they subordinate their own interests to the common good. No wonder, says Maritain, that American democracy -- which arose from a Christian people -- has served so well and lasted so long. Here Maritain shows that in a society unleavened by religious ideals, an enduring democracy can never take root. And once a religious people abandons its faith, even the greatest democracy must wither and die. Untethered from transcendent values, democracy becomes little more than a struggle to be won by the most powerful and the ruthless. The hour is late. Too long have we stood by while politicians promise never to let their religious beliefs infl

This practical handbook has been revised to provide in-depth coverage of the Office of Thrift and Supervision rules as well as those of the OCC. It includes up-to-date information on every of trust compliance, as it applies in 2000.

First published in 1998. This is Volume I of nine in the Historical Sociology series and looks at the United States of 1776 in contemporary European philosophy. This is a developed study of a lecture given on ‘Bourgeois Ideal and Capitalist Reality’-the capitalist reality which is the natural outcome, and yet the complete perversion, of the bourgeois ideal of the eighteenth century. This lecture, which was delivered in November, I942, discussed in more general terms the development of which the social history of the United States between I776 and I800.

Joining philosophy of language with phenomenological aesthetics, this book defines the epistemological status of abstract objects and works of art. Beginning with a provocative conversation between Socrates, Plato, Wittgenstein, and Jung, the book introduces the concept, and coins the term, "Platonic Inductive Fallacy," deriving from a cycle of language games. The author then invokes Robert Stalnaker to clarify the difference between real and actual objects, which gives new insight into the epistemology of abstract objects. Armed with defined abstract objects, the reader is taken through a fascinating journey from 1890s aestheticism to present-day phenomenological aesthetics. The book clearly establishes principles and methods for defining works of art, and applies them to two versions of a Henry James novella. The clear definitions and inventive methods, supported with impressive, detailed research, lead to compelling and well-taken conclusions. This journey pays off with important and exciting results.