Celebration of the 55th Human Rights anniversary.

This seventh annual report covers the 12 month period until the end of July 2004. The human rights report is designed to provide detailed information for Parliament and for other interested parties on the FCO's activities to promote human rights, democracy and good governance abroad. These activities cost over £12 million in 2003-04. The key human rights issues in some 20 countries, ranging from Afghanistan to Iraq and Zimbabwe, are described. The report also covers the course of international debate on human rights. Specific chapters deal with: human rights and conflict; economic, social and cultural rights; human rights and the rule of law; democracy, equality and freedom; women's rights and child rights.

Previously published as a special issue of Third World Quarterly, this volume assesses the nature, power, role and function of names in global politics and the international media. Names are not objective, they accrue subjective associations, for example 'Terrorist' has a very different connotation to 'Freedom-fighter'. The contributors seek the truth beneath the names assigned in an effort to remove the obscurity created by the power of 'the politics of naming' to the reality of the situation, taking examples from Al Qaeda, Russia's demonization of the Chechens and naming in the Israeli-Palestine conflict, among other important contemporary debates. Terrorism and the Politics of Naming makes a substantial contribution towards elucidating the power of naming in the discourse of conflict and will be of great interest to students and scholars of political philosophy, political theory, and politics and the media.

The first systematic analysis of the effectiveness of torture prevention.

"This book rejects the fundamental ideas of hidden administrative practices and helps the policy maker to strengthen the right to information Act in India. Finally this book is an attempt to ensure accountability and how the grievance redressal mechanism related to work culture in India"--

The South Sudan Skills Story is an account about manpower and education development in South Sudan, a narrative that includes efforts exerted in attainment of the much-needed workforce for fuelling the countrys economy, now fatally impacted by the ongoing internal strife. Prior to escalation of the armed conflict that broke out in December 2013, hardly four years after the country gained its sovereignty on July 9, 2011, the new nation was on course in setting up its new education system and basis of sustainable human development, now shattered by the vicious war. The conflict has eroded the countrys human potential through loss of life, skills wastage, and extreme brutalities perpetrated against citizens by the war drivers. The education quandary is compounded by displacement of over 3 million people from their homes and localities, a dire situation that has caused severe food insecurity affecting over 7.5 million people. With over 2 million children forced out of school, particularly in the most conflict-affected regions of South Sudan including over 1.4 million forced out of the country as refugees to neighbouring countries, it means that one in every three children in the country is out of school. The scale and magnitude of the unending human dispersal has severely curtailed South Sudans ability to provide education to all its citizens. The once-adopted slogan of bringing education to all in the country is now a far cry as the new nation heads to total collapse, if the conflict is not halted. The South Sudan Skills Story urges the leaders of South Sudan, who are proponents of the conflict, to rise above self-serving political cleavages to stop the war for peace so that all the citizens are availed the opportunity to realize their fullest potential for development of the country. The narrative concludes that the people of this young nation will remain one of the most undereducated populations in the world as long as the legacy of war, violence and impunity prevails in the country

The Charter and expansive versions of the federal and provincial human rights codes were supposed to safeguard the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Canadians. Rory Leishman argues that this experiment in radical constitutional reform has failed because judicial activists and human rights adjudicators have read their ideological preferences into the law rather than upholding the law as originally understood.