Dr. Peterson's book is the first, in English or Spanish, to encompass the entire sweep of Argentine-American relations from the time of Argentina's revolt against Spain in 1810 to the close of its 150th year of independence. Through comprehensive analysis and narrative, this study illuminates one of the most enigmatic areas of Western Hemisphere relationships. From what would seem to be a bewildering array of incidents, Professor Peterson isolates the basic undercurrents which mold Argentine policies. Internally, Argentina's path to stability is shown to be marred by developing social stratification and conflict, economic mismanagement, and the deep uncertainty of shifts from dictatorship to democracy. Internationally, the germs of discord with the United States are found in nationalism, anticolonialism, desire for hemispheric leadership, and economic competition. Discussed, too, are the fascinating, crucial weaknesses and errors of human leadership in both countries. Argentina and the United States 1810-1960 makes an important contribution to an understanding of current, as well as historical, affairs: it greatly helps to explain why in the twentieth century the government and people of the United States frequently face an "Argentine problem."

Historical overview from both perspectives of the often-troubled and always uneven relationship between the United States and the nations of Latin America.

Antarctica is the last, most inhospitable frontier on earth, yet it presents a great number of unresolved conflicts between nations, individuals, environmentalists, scientists and business groups. The International Law of Antarctica addresses the crucial question of how international law can respond to claims that will certainly shape tomorrow's Antarctica. The author adopts a policy-oriented approach and focuses on the primary issue of determining the effective norms by which the process of value shaping and sharing develops in Antarctica, and to what extent such norms satisfy the prevailing aspirations of the world community. Where discrepancies are significant policies are proposed that may better meet such aspirations, as well as methods for their implementation. Part I of this study describes the social, power, and legal processes relating to Antarctica; reviews the geographic, technological, economic, and historical context in which these processes evolve, and how their special features affect such processes; and finally postulates the basic community policies with reference to which the process of claims and decisions in Antarctica are analyzed. Part II focuses on national claims to Antarctica by reviewing claims relating to the modes to establish exclusive appropriation of the area. Part III is a detailed examination of specific claims to Antarctica resources: claims to mineral and living resources, and claims relating to space-extension resources, namely, Antarctica sea and air space. It is concluded by an appraisal of the congruence of the existing order of Antarctica with the postulated basic policies, critically reviewing proposals for a new order, and advancing long-term and more immediate alternatives.

Ranging from the 1840s through the early twenty-first century, this study of shared political, economic, and cultural histories fills significant gaps in our understanding of Paraguayan-U.S. relations. Frank O. Mora and Jerry W. Cooney tell how an initially rocky beginning between the two countries, marked by diplomatic posturing, shows of military force, and failed business schemes, gave way to a calmer period during which the United States backed Paraguay's territorial claims against its neighbors, prospects grew brighter for American entrepreneurs, and Paraguay embraced Pan-Americanism. It was not until the 1930s that the two countries engaged in earnest as the United States attempted to mediate the Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia. Then, as the authors write, "hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the cold war in Latin America, the 'balance of power' among states in the Río de la Plata, and the question of U.S. support for, or aid to, Latin American dictators" became matters of mutual interest. The dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner (1954-89) spanned much of this era, and a shared attitude of realpolitik typified U.S.-Paraguayan relations during his rule. Post-Stroessner, the United States has stood by Paraguay during its transition to democracy, despite lingering concerns about such issues as drug trafficking and intellectual piracy. The countries should grow closer with time, the authors conclude, if Paraguay resists the continent's leftward political shift and remains a solid partner in U.S. antiterror initiatives in South America.

The A to Z of U.S. Diplomacy from the Civil War to World War I provides a convenient introduction to a critical period of American diplomacy. The half-century from 1861 to 1914 formed a crucial time in the development of the American approach to the world, for the United States laid the foundations for its 20th century foreign policy. While the famed Monroe Doctrine insisted that no foreign power meddle in the American continent, it did not stop the U.S. from waging war against Spain, mixing in conflicts in Cuba, Chile, and Mexico, nor in backing independence for Panama, all the while acquiring smaller Pacific islands. The book includes: o An introductory essay outlining main themes and problems of the era o A chronology of main events o Over 1,000 separate cross-referenced dictionary entries exploring all aspects of American Diplomacy o Appendixes providing lists of presidents; secretaries of state, war, and navy; all American diplomatic ministers and ambassadors, and most U.S. consuls o A photographic section with images of significant individuals and locations o A bibliography facilitating further research

The Monroe Doctrine, "dollar diplomacy," the policy of the Good Neighbor—these well-known terms indicate the spectrum of the United States's relationships with its neighbors of the Western Hemisphere. Hemisphere thinking in the "Yankee" nation, founded on economic, political, and strategic needs, has come to encompass an appreciation of social and intellectual aspects as a vital part of a unified international unit. In The Western Hemisphere: Its Influence on United States Policies to the End of World War II, Wilfrid Hardy Callcott traces the rise of this awareness of the essential unity of the Western Hemisphere in international affairs. Although Callcott concentrates on the United States, he discusses all hemisphere countries, and his inclusion of Canada adds an additional dimension to previous studies on the subject. From the early days of the Republic to the end of World War I, the relations of the United Stales with its neighbors gradually developed from mere curiosity and from on-the-spot decision-making into policy. During the eighteenth century the persons entrusted with United States foreign policy pressed forward with their own country's westward expansion, while they expressed only an academic interest in the affairs of other Western Hemisphere nations from Canada to Brazil. By the end of the nineteenth century the United States had enthusiastically joined the imperialist nations. Although it soon replaced the use of force with economic controls, its military and economic manipulations naturally generated more fear and antagonism in the neighboring nations than cooperation and sympathy. After World War I, attention to the hemisphere was fostered by the need for strategic raw materials that were to be found from Canada to South America, and by Old World rivalries and needs that endangered New World interests. Canadian and Latin American views of Europe and the League of Nations became much like those of the United States. The new conditions that arose called forth the Good Neighbor policy to combine economic and strategic values in a complex program that included intellectual, social, and cultural elements. World War II accentuated the new consciousness and compelled recognition of the significance of hemisphere relationships in all of the New World nations.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) is the nation's oldest civil rights organization, having dedicated itself to the fight for racial equality since 1909. While the group helped achieve substantial victories in the courtroom, the struggle for civil rights extended beyond gaining political support. It also required changing social attitudes. The NAACP thus worked to alter existing prejudices through the production of art that countered racist depictions of African Americans, focusing its efforts not only on changing the attitudes of the white middle class but also on encouraging racial pride and a sense of identity in the black community. Art for Equality explores an important and little-studied side of the NAACP's activism in the cultural realm. In openly supporting African American artists, writers, and musicians in their creative endeavors, the organization aimed to change the way the public viewed the black community. By overcoming stereotypes and the belief of the majority that African Americans were physically, intellectually, and morally inferior to whites, the NAACP believed it could begin to defeat racism. Illuminating important protests, from the fight against the 1915 film The Birth of a Nation to the production of anti-lynching art during the Harlem Renaissance, this insightful volume examines the successes and failures of the NAACP's cultural campaign from 1910 to the 1960s. Exploring the roles of gender and class in shaping the association's patronage of the arts, Art for Equality offers an in-depth analysis of the social and cultural climate during a time of radical change in America.

Based on a thorough examination of government documents, congressional debates and reports, private papers of government and business leaders, and newspapers, David M. Pletcher begins this monumental study with a comprehensive survey of U.S. trade following the Civil War. He goes on to outline the problems of building a coherent trade policy toward Canada, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and South America. The study concludes by analyzing a series of abortive trade reform efforts and examining the effects of the Spanish-American War. Pletcher rejects the long-held belief that American business and government engaged in a deliberate, consistent drive for economic hegemony in the hemisphere during the late 18OOs. Instead he finds that the American government improvised and experimented with ways to further trade expansion.