Armenia receives one of the highest levels of international aid per capita in the Western world, and among the highest of the post-Soviet states. This ethnographic study, based on new primary research, looks at aid in the South Caucasus, and its role in Armenia's relationship with Europe. In particular, Skedsmo argues that the Aarhus Convention, which entitles citizens of Europe to access information and participation in decision-making in environmental matters has allowed Armenian citizens to adapt and control the direction of their country's political future in various ways – whether through protest activism or legal challenges. A new examination of aid and development, and the structures these create, Europe and Armenia will be an essential case study for scholars of development, for regional specialists in the post-soviet area (especially South Caucasus), social anthropologists, students of post socialism and development (postcolonialism). In addition, the book will be of interest for practitioners and European policy-makers, transnational organizations and others involved in development policies and projects in the region.

This publication comprises the contributions presented at the 14th Network Europe Conference held in Stockholm/Sweden, in September 2023. The conference addressed various challenges for the European integration process in light of current global crises, as well as aspects of the EU enlargement perspectives.

Nearly three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, early hopes for the integration of the post-Soviet states into a "Europe whole and free" seem to have been decisively dashed. Europe itself is in the midst of a multifaceted crisis that threatens the considerable gains of the post-war liberal European experiment. In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, Katherine Graney provides a panoramic and historically-rooted overview of the process of "Europeanization" in Russia and all fourteen of the former Soviet republics since 1989. Graney argues that deeply rooted ideas about Europe's cultural-civilizational primacy and concerns about both ideological and institutional alignment with Europe continue to influence both internal politics in contemporary Europe and the processes of Europeanization in the post-Soviet world. By comparing the effect of the phenomenon across Russia and the ex-republics, Graney provides a theoretically grounded and empirically rich window into how we should study politics in the former USSR.

This book presents a topical, holistic assessment of the European Union’s democracy promotion in South-East Europe, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia, analyzed through the prism of the Normative Power Europe (NPE) framework of transnational policy formation. To do so, it brings together three scholarly domains that traditionally stand apart and are discussed separately. The first addresses the notion of the European Union conducting a normatively-driven foreign policy both near and far abroad. The second is concerned with the legitimacy, operationality, and effectiveness of promoting democracy in third-world countries. The third addresses the quality of the relationship the European Union has been able to establish with some vital – yet often troubled – countries in South-East Europe, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia. Finally, based on the empirical findings presented in each chapter, this volume concludes by rethinking the concept and relevance of NPE to the field’s understanding of the EU’s foreign policy making. This edited volume offers the reader both a theoretically and empirically rich analysis of the European Union’s efforts to promote democracy abroad. As such is scholars and students of EU studies, particularly EU foreign policy, as well as policy makers at EU and national level and civil society representatives responsible for designing/implementing democracy promoting projects on the ground.

Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States deals with the twelve independent republics that became members of the Commonwealth of Independent States following the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1992.

The book provides an understanding of the three decades of Armenia’s young history – from the perspective of relations between civil society and government institutions. It explores the intricate dynamics between the two entities: by explaining the patterns of relations since 1991 to present. The book offers a comprehensive exploration for understanding the state-society relations, and also delves into the historical backdrop of the region. Drawing on the latest data, the author examines real-world practices exemplifying relational variations and the opportunity structures for Armenia to progress by means of its civil society.

Published and updated annually, Russia and Eurasia deals with twelve sovereign states that became independent following the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991. Approximately one-third of the book is devoted to Russia. The remainder of the book is comprised of separate chapters on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. The text focuses heavily on recent economic and political developments within these twelve states. Each country chapter offers descriptions and overviews of the respective governmental institutions, key leaders, civil society dynamics, and economic conditions within each state. It supplements this focus with shorter sections dealing with historical developments, demographics, foreign policy, and cultural elements. Each chapter concludes with brief projections of future developments within each state. The combination of factual accuracy and up-to-date detail along with its informed projections make this an outstanding resource for students, researchers, practitioners in international development, media professionals, government officials, and potential investors.

This book uncovers the changing way the EU is conducting its foreign policy in response to the Ukraine conflict and tensions with Russia.

This book examines Western efforts at democracy promotion, reactions by illiberal challengers and regional powers, and political and societal conditions in target states. It is argued that Western powers are not unequivocally committed to the promotion of democracy and human rights, while non-democratic regional powers cannot simply be described as "autocracy supporters". This volume examines in detail the challenges by three illiberal regional powers —?China, Russia?and Saudi Arabia?— to Western (US and?EU) efforts at democracy promotion. The contributions specifically analyze their actions in Ethiopia and Angola in the case of China, Georgia and Ukraine in the case of Russia, and Tunisia in the case of Saudi Arabia. Democratic powers such as the US or the EU usually prefer stability over human rights and democracy. If democratic movements threaten stability in a region, neither the US nor the EU supports them. As to illiberal powers, they are generally not that different from their democratic counterparts. They also prefer stability over turmoil. Neither Russia?nor China?nor Saudi Arabia explicitly promote autocracy. Instead, they seek to suppress democratic movements in their periphery the minute these groups threaten their security interests or are perceived to endanger their regime survival. This was previously published as a special issue of Democratization.

This work represents the first systematic study of Armenia's foreign policy during the post-independence period, between 1991 and 2005. It explores four sets of relationships with Armenia's major historical 'partners': Russia, Iran, Turkey and the West (Europe and the United States).