India has long been motivated to modernize its military, and it now has the resources. But so far, the drive to rebuild has lacked a critical component—strategic military planning. India's approach of arming without strategic purpose remains viable, however, as it seeks great-power accommodation of its rise and does not want to appear threatening. What should we anticipate from this effort in the future, and what are the likely ramifications? Stephen Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta answer those crucial questions in a book so timely that it reached number two on the nonfiction bestseller list in India. "Two years after the publication of Arming without Aiming, our view is that India's strategic restraint and its consequent institutional arrangement remain in place. We do not want to predict that India's military-strategic restraint will last forever, but we do expect that the deeper problems in Indian defense policy will continue to slow down military modernization."—from the preface to the paperback edition

India is growing into one of Asia’s most important military powers. Its defence budget has more than doubled in the past decade, and it imports more arms than anyone else in the world. But India is still seen as a land power focused on long, disputed and militarised borders with Pakistan and China rather than the global military force it was in the first half of the twentieth century under British rule. Is this changing? India is acquiring increasing numbers of key platforms – aircraft carriers, amphibious ships, refuelling tankers and transport aircraft – that are extending its reach to the Indian Ocean littoral and beyond. But most accounts of this build-up have been impressionistic and partial. Indian Power Projection assesses the strength, reach and purposes of India's maturing capabilities. It offers a systematic assessment of India’s ability to conduct long-range airstrikes from land and sea, transport and convey airborne and amphibious forces, and develop the institutional and material enablers that turn platforms into capabilities. It draws extensively on the lessons of modern expeditionary operations, and considers how India’s growing interests might shape where and how it uses these evolving capabilities in the future. This study finds that Indian power projection is in a nascent stage: limited in number, primarily of use against much-weaker adversaries, and deficient in some key supporting capabilities. India’s defence posture will continue to be shaped by local threats, rather than distant interests. Indian leaders remain uncomfortable with talk of military intervention and expeditionary warfare, associating these with colonial and superpower excess. But as the country’s power, interests and capabilities all grow, it is likely that India will once more find itself using military force beyond its land borders.

This book examines India’s naval strategy within the context of Asian regional security. Amidst the intensifying geopolitical contestation in the waters of Asia, this book investigates the growing strategic salience of the Indian Navy. Delhi’s expanding economic and military strength has generated a widespread debate on India’s prospects for shaping the balance of power in Asia. This volume provides much needed texture to the abstract debate on India’s rise by focusing on the changing nature of India’s maritime orientation, the recent evolution of its naval strategy, and its emerging defence diplomacy. In tracing the drift of the Navy from the margins of Delhi’s national security consciousness to a central position, analysing the tension between its maritime possibilities and the continentalist mind set, and in examining the gap between the growing external demands for its security contributions and internal ambivalence, this volume offers rare insights into India’s strategic direction at a critical moment in the nation’s evolution. By examining the internal and external dimensions of the Indian naval future, both of which are in dynamic flux, the essays here help a deeper understanding of India’s changing international possibilities and its impact on Asian and global security. This book will be of much interest to students of naval strategy, Asian politics, security studies and IR, in general.

This book provides a synoptic view of the Indian Ocean and maritime security in its contested waters. The volume highlights the competition between major Asian powers to control the Indian Ocean periphery; shows that cooperation amongst the major regional powers could abate the threat of the potential of conflict becoming global and inviting external intervention; and discusses India’s Look East policy and the deepening relation between India and ASEAN. It argues for the need for Indian Ocean states and particularly SAARC members of the Indian Ocean Rim Association to look afresh at their political and security issues and common interests. It also suggests measures for evolving a robust mechanism of maintaining the Indian Ocean as a sustainable zone of commerce, energy, security and peace rather than threat.

This book examines to what extent geopolitics explains the current wave of force modernisation in the Indo-Pacific region. Examining the leading Indo-Pacific nations in terms of defence spending: the United States, China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Taiwan, Singapore, Pakistan, Indonesia and Thailand, geopolitical principles are used to create hypotheses that can be tested against the military modernisation programmes of the major actors in the Indo-Pacific region. The book represents a bridge between reference works and the literature on international politics in the Indo-Pacific. The empirical chapters provide qualitative narratives that explore the force postures, military modernisation and procurement patterns of the cases, and assess why these nations’ military modernisation has followed particular courses and evaluate this evidence against the expectations of geopolitics and its rivals. This book will be a valuable addition to scholars, practitioners and, indeed, anyone interested in the future stability of one of the world’s most important and dynamic regions.

The book is a very timely and important work on US foreign policy toward India since the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The author traces the trajectory of closer Indo-US relations during the Bush and Obama administrations. The author applies a qualitative methodological approach to describe these changes and explain the factors that explain the strengthened bilateral relationship, especially after decades of irritable relations between the two "estranged democracies." The book compares two factors – (a) the 9/11 attacks; (b) global structural changes after the Cold War – to assess which of these factors best explains closer Indo-US relations over the last two decades. The author's argument seems to be that the explanation lies more in the second factor (structural changes), rather than the first (consequences of the 9/11 attacks). The book should be a fascinating one that provides an excellent analysis of Indo-US relations since India's independence to Obama administrations based on extensive use of key primary sources including interviewing the persons involved in US foreign policy-making process. While the existing literature has mainly focused on the civil-nuclear deal as a turning point for Indo-US relations, this book presented an alternative story for improved Indo-US relations in the 21st century and uncovered the ongoing puzzle. More interestingly, the author showed how Indian diaspora as a 3rd party play role in strengthening Indo-US relations.

The Indian Navy has gradually emerged as an indispensable tool of Indian diplomacy in recent years, making it imperative for Indian policy-makers and naval thinkers to think anew the role of the nation’s naval forces in Indian strategy. There is a long tradition in India of viewing the maritime dimension of security as central to the nation’s strategic priorities. With India's economic rise, India is trying to bring that focus back, making its navy integral to national grand strategy. This volume is the first full-length examination of the myriad issues that have emerged out of the recent rise of Indian naval power.

Advanced commercial technologies offer new opportunities for defense applications that could greatly affect military power and metrics of military advantage. This is relevant when it comes to civilian-based technological innovations found in the emerging 'fourth industrial revolution,' such as artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, 'big data,' and quantum computing. Militaries and governments around the world are increasingly focused on how and where advanced commercial technologies, innovations, and breakthroughs could potentially create new capacities for military power, advantage, and leverage. This process of exploiting civilian-based advanced technologies is referred to as 'military–civil fusion' (MCF). This book addresses MCF not only from a conceptual and practical sense but also comparatively as it explores how four different countries – the United States, China, India, and Israel – are attempting to use MCF to support national military-technological innovation. It will interest scholars, researchers, and advanced students of military, security, and technology studies, as well as analysts and policymakers in military and defense organizations.

The rivalry between India and Pakistan has proven to be one of the world's most intractable international conflicts, ever since 1947 when the British botched their departure from the South Asian subcontinent. And the enmity is likely to continue for another thirty-five years, reaching the century mark. This has critical implications for both countries and the rest of the world. Renowned South Asia expert Stephen P. Cohen explains why he expects this rivalry to continue in this first comprehensive survey of the deep historical, cultural, and strategic differences that underpin the hostility. In recent years the stakes have increased as India and Pakistan have each acquired a hundred or more nuclear weapons, blundered into several serious crises, and become victims of terrorism, some of it from across their borders. America is puzzled by the problem of dealing with a rising India and a struggling Pakistan, and Cohen offers a fresh approach for U.S. policy in dealing with these two powers. Drawing on his rich experience in South Asia to explore the character, depth, and origin of Indian and Pakistani attitudes toward each other, Cohen develops a comprehensive theory of why the dispute between New Delhi and Islamabad is likely to persist. He also describes the terrible cost of this animosity for the citizens of India and Pakistan, including the region's high levels of violence and low level of economic integration. On a more hopeful note, however, he goes on to suggest developments that could ameliorate the tension, including a more active role for the UnitedStates in addressing a range of issues that divide the nations. Kashmir is one of these issues, but as much a consequence as a cause of the rivalry. Can India and Pakistan resolve their many territorial and identity issues? Perhaps the best they can expect in the near term is a limited degree of normalization, including bottom-up ideas generated by the peace and business communities, as wel

Naval modernization is an extremely expensive, time-consuming, and a relatively rare phenomenon. Scholars have proposed various arguments to explain this process ranging from bureaucratic politics, to nationalism, and to the security dilemma. The Nexus of Naval Modernization in India and China demonstrates that from 1990 until 2020, the primary driver of naval modernization resulted from a strategic rivalry. Key to strategic rivalries is perceived threat perceptions that cause decision makers to prepare for worst-case scenarios when trying to decipher their enemy's behaviour. When a state believes it is threatened by a rival's naval power it is likely to pursue its own form of naval modernization for self-protection. Importantly, rivalries do not exist in a vacuum and are frequently linked. This project will reveal how the interconnected nature of rivalries can also cause naval modernization. Through a close examination of scholarly works, government documents, and in-depth focused interviews with experts based in India, China, Australia, and the U.S. Colley argues that while strategic rivalry is not the only driver of naval modernization, it is the most compelling explanation. Other arguments are frequently embedded within the strategic rivalry model and thus are best seen as only partial drivers. This study contributes to the rivalry research program as well as the policy and security studies literatures.