Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

This book is the first comprehensive contribution to understanding the character of important societal transitions in Tanzania during Benjamin Mkapa's presidency (1995 2005). The analyses of the trajectory of these transitions are conducted against the background of the development model of Tanzanian's first president, Julius Nyerere (1961 1985), a model with lasting influence on the country. This approach enables an understanding of continuities and discontinuities in Tanzania over time in areas such as development strategy an ideology, agrarian-land, gender and forestry issues, economic liberalization, development assistance, corruption and political change. The period of Mkapa's presidency is particularly important because it represents the first phase of Tanzania's multi- party political system. Mkapa's government initially faced a gloomy economic situation. Although Mkapa's crusade against corruption lost direction, his presidency was characterised by relatively high growth rates and a stable macro-economy. Rural and agrarian transitions were dominated by diversification rather than productivity growth and transformation. Rural attitudes in favour of land markets emerged only slowly but formal land disputes showed more respect for women's rights. Some space emerged for widening local participation in forest management, but rural dynamics was mainly found in trading settlements feeding on economic liberalization and artisanal mining. The transitions documented and analysed of Mkapa's presidency, however, indicate only limited transformational change. Rural poverty is therefore likely to remain deep and the sustainability of economic development to be at risk in the future. Mkapa was, however, able to protect the legacy of peace and political stability of Nyerere, but there were nevertheless important challenges to the first multiparty elections and governance, and particularly in Zanzibar. The post- script (covering 2005 2010), indicates that the incumbent president, Jakaya Kikwete, has yet to prove that he can change this legacy of Mkapa. The contributions to the eleven chapters of this book are evenly shared between Tanzanian, Nordic and other European researchers with a long-term commitment to Tanzanian development research. The book is dedicated to the youth of Tanzania.

This last title in the series covers the most important findings of the five yearsEU sponsored ANTICORRP project dealing with corruption and organized crime.How prone to corruption are EU funds? Has EU managed to improve governancein the countries that it assists? Using the new index of public integrity and avariety of other tools created in the project this issue looks at how EU funds andnorms affected old member states (like Spain), new member states (Slovakia,Romania), accession countries (Turkey) and the countries recipient of developmentfunds (Egypt, Tanzania, Tunisia). The data covers over a decade of structuraland development funds, and the findings show the challenges to changing governanceacross borders, the different paths that each country has experiencedand suggest avenues of reforming development aid for improving governance.

This work is about Samia Suluhu Hassan, Tanzania's first female president. She was also Tanzania's first female vice president. And she was the only female president in Africa when she went into office. She is also the third female president in Africa with executive powers. One of the biggest challenges Tanzania faces under the leadership of President Samia Suluhu Hassan is the quest for true democracy. The country is at the crossroads. It either pursues democracy in the full practical – not theoretical – sense or it abandons the goal and maintains the status quo, reversing whatever gains that have been made in the past in pursuit of this noble goal. The work looks at the central and critical role Mama Samia, as she is known in Tanzania and sometimes beyond, is destined to play in the quest for this new dispensation. There are strident and persistent demands by the opposition parties for a complete overhaul of the system. They demand a new constitution. There is an imperative need to establish an independent electoral commission, level the playing field to enable the opposition to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party which has been in power since the country won independence more than 60 years ago. Even after multiparty elections were introduced in 1995 after 30 years of one-party rule since 1965, Tanzania has not achieved full democracy. It remains a de facto one-party state. For the first time in the country's history in the post-colonial era, Tanzania has a leader, Mama Samia, who has promised to undertake fundamental changes and work with the opposition to transform the country into a truly democratic society. She has promised to level the playing field and has stated that she will make sure opposition parties are able to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party even if that will cost her the presidency in the next election in 2025. No other Tanzanian president has made that commitment before, since the introduction of multiparty politics in 1992, or has even implied – let alone admitted – that there is no level playing field in the political arena. They all have claimed there is a level playing field to enable opposition parties to win elections against the ruling party and when they lose they lose fairly. If President Samia does what she has promised to do, she is going to be the most transformative figure in the history of Tanzania besides the founding father of the nation Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere who led the struggle for the independence of Tanganyika and led the country to be the first in East Africa to attain sovereign status. She will be remembered as the leader who gave Tanzania a new constitution, reduced the power of the presidency at the expense of her own ruling party as demanded by the opposition, established an independent electoral commission, levelled the playing field to enable opposition parties to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party without any interference by the government to block them from doing so, and transformed the country into a full democracy. I have described her as “The Gentle Lady” but also as someone with steely determination to get things done. She also likes to get things done on consensus basis, an approach that has won her support in the opposition camp, a rare achievement among leaders of the ruling party who prefer to win or get things done on their own terms and often excluding the opposition. In spite of her softness, she is destined – as a steely character – to shake the country to its foundation for a complete overhaul of the system and radically transform the political landscape into one that accommodates all, if she does what she has said she is going to do, and if she works together with the opposition to achieve those goals, all of which are non-partisan, transcending narrow political interests in the best interest of the nation. She will be remembered as “the mother of democracy” in Tanzania. But she will also need the support of political heavyweights and others in her own party to implement her decisions and fulfill her agenda and transform the country into a “new nation” with a solid democratic foundation. It has been a long journey, starting almost thirty years ago in 1995 when the country had multiparty elections and entered a new era of multiparty politics – not democracy – in an attempt to achieve freedom and equality in the political arena by guaranteeing the right of every individual to express his/her views without fear of being muzzled, and by levelling the playing field to enable opposition parties to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party which has been in power since independence. The goal has been elusive mainly because of government intervention to thwart the process in order to enable the ruling party to perpetuate itself in power: the ruling party and the government are one and the same thing in Tanzania and have always been. The refusal and unwillingness of national leaders to level the playing field in order to achieve genuine democracy has, unfortunately, somewhat been sanctioned and legitimised by the opposition parties themselves because of their refusal to unite and form a cohesive bloc as one strong party, with nationwide appeal, to effectively challenge the ruling party which has enormous advantages of mobilising support among the people. It has had the opportunity and the experience to build and consolidate its base across the nation all the way down to the grassroots level for decades since the end of colonial rule. In order to provide a counterweight against such a behemoth, there is an imperative need for opposition parties to unite and form one large party that can match the ruling party in mobilising support nationwide. That is the next challenge for the opposition in its quest for true democracy. Otherwise be prepared to maintain the status quo and accept its legitimacy validated by the ruling party's dominance of the political landscape – in fact across the sociopolitical and economic spectrum – because it is a dominance derived from electoral mandate as CCM continues to win elections without credible challenge to its supremacy at the polls.

The smartphone and social media have transformed Africa, allowing people across the continent to share ideas, organise, and participate in politics like never before. While both activists and governments alike have turned to social media as a new form of political mobilization, some African states have increasingly sought to clamp down on the technology, introducing restrictive laws or shutting down networks altogether. Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstrates how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation.

Why do people run for office with opposition parties in electoral authoritarian regimes, where the risks of running are high, and the chances of victory are bleak? In Activist Origins of Political Ambition, Keith Weghorst offers a theory that candidacy decisions are set in motion in early life events and that civic activism experiences and careers in civil society organizations funnel aspirants towards opposition candidacy in electoral authoritarian regimes. The book also adapts existing explanations of candidacy decisions derived from leading democracies that can be applied to electoral authoritarian contexts. The mixed-methods research design features an in-depth study of Tanzania using original survey data, sequence methods, archival research, and qualitative data combined with an analysis of legislators across authoritarian and democratic regimes in Africa. A first-of-its kind study, the book's account of the origins of candidacy motivations offers contributions to its study in autocracies, as well as in leading democracies and the United States.

Examines how learning and teaching morality in Tanzania's faith-oriented schools is inextricably interwoven with the complex power relations of an interconnected world.

This book aims to introduce concrete and innovative proposals for a holistic approach to supranational human rights justice through a hands-on legal exercise: the rewriting of decisions of supranational human rights monitoring bodies. The contributing scholars have thus redrafted crucial passages of landmark human rights judgments and decisions, ‘as if human rights law were really one’, borrowing or taking inspiration from developments and interpretations throughout the whole multi-layered human rights protection system. In addition to the rewriting exercise, the contributors have outlined the methodology and/or theoretical framework that guided their approaches and explain how human rights monitoring bodies may adopt an integrated approach to human rights law.

Explains the strategies political parties use to extract money from the state and how these strategies shape government performance.

This pathbreaking work integrates African countries into broader comparative theories of how spatial inequality shapes political competition over the construction of markets, states, and nations. Existing literature on African countries has found economic cleavages, institutions, and policy choices to be of low salience in national politics. This book inverts these arguments. Boone trains our analytic focus on the spatial inequalities and territorial institutions that structure national politics in Africa, showing that regional cleavages find expression in both electoral competition and policy struggles over redistribution, sectoral investment, market integration, and state design. Leveraging comparative politics theory, Boone argues that African countries' regional and core-periphery tensions are similar to those that have shaped national economic integration in other parts of the world. Bringing together electoral and economic geography, the book offers a new and powerful map of political competition on the African continent.