Witnesses: Stanley Roth, Assist. Sec. for East Asian and Pacific Aff., U.S. Dept. of State; Edwin Feulner, Pres., Heritage Fdn.; Jonathan Pollack, Sr. Advisor for Internat. Policy, RAND; Richard Solomon, Pres., U.S. Inst. of Peace; Karl Inderfurth, Assist. Sec. for S. Asian Aff., U.S. Dept. of State; Richard Haass, Dir. of Foreign Policy, Brookings Inst.; Marvin Weinbaum, Dept. of Pol. Science, Univ. of Ill.; Steven Sestanovich, Amb. at Large, Office of the Special Advisor to the Sec. for the Newly Indep. States, U.S. Dept. of State; Ariel Cohen, Senior Policy Analyst in Russian and Eurasian Studies, Heritage Fdn.; and Nancy Lubin, Pres., JNA Assoc., Inc.

In formulating policy toward the Third World, U.S. decisionmakers have been hampered by a superficial understanding of events in developing countries, by a tendency to deal with Third World problems in terms of global considerations, and by the role of the United States as a superpower with responsibility for helping to manage regional security aff

As the cold war ends, the United States is being forced to reassess the dominant role it has played in East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific during the decades that followed World War II. Bringing readers up to date on policy trends in the area, the author provides a general overview as well as detailed analyses of key issues in individual nations and regions. The author concludes by placing these regional developments in the context of the ongoing debate in the United States over an appropriate foreign policy in the post-cold war world.

The Trump administration looks to be adopting a more muscular and self-interested security policy in the Asia-Pacific. Confrontational on China: Trump and his advisers have outlined a hard line towards China on most bilateral issues, and view Beijing as an aggressive strategic competitor that needs to be deterred with US strength. Supportive but transactional on allies: the administration will uphold Asian security guarantees at the same time as more strictly scrutinising the US interests at stake. The United States will seek greater burden-sharing and “wins” from allies, including initiatives to create new US jobs. A military-first rebalance: the administration will advance the security elements of President Obama’s “pivot to Asia” while attaching little importance to engagement with Southeast Asia or the rebalance’s original liberal internationalist goals. Changes in US Asia policy will likely produce more volatile relations with competitors, and potentially between Washington and its allies and partners. Instability in US-China relations: Trump’s abrasive policies, particularly on Taiwan, are likely to deepen friction with China and increase the risk of mixed signals and communication breakdowns. Disunity and fragility in the US alliance network: Trump’s “America first” approach to Asia is at odds with the policy preferences and public opinions of most regional allies, creating potential constraints on coordination between Washington and its Asian alliance network. Divergence between Australia and Japan: Japan’s anxiety about being abandoned by the United States may see it rush to embrace Trump’s Asia policy, while Australia’s concern about being entrapped in potential US military endeavours could see it keep some distance from Washington. This may produce opposing dynamics that could weaken bilateral ties and trilateral cooperation. Australia needs to adopt a more active regional security policy to weather these destabilising shifts. It should: Assist the United States in articulating policy priorities on China. Actively work to reduce possible misperceptions between the United States and China. Work multilaterally with Asian allies and partners to communicate shared interests, opportunities, and redlines to President Trump’s cabinet. Coordinate US alliance management strategies with Japan. Build greater resilience into the US Asian alliance network by establishing new trilateral partnerships with Southeast Asia, starting with an Australia-Indonesia-Japan grouping. Assume a more active leadership role in Southeast Asia by independently contributing to a stable and liberal regional order.

This volume is an updated survey and assessment of the recent policy initiatives of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, which have come to be known as the Hu-Wen's New Deal. Individual chapters are written by scholars from different academic disciplines and backgrounds. These scholars hail from Singapore, the United States, Australia, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China.Topics cover the patterns and process of leadership succession, emerging political factions, social unrest, sources of economic growth, income disparities, social security reform, land use policy, banking reform, corporate governance, labor and population policies, rule of law, and changes in the Party and ideology. On the external aspects, discussion includes China's changing relations with the U.S., Japan and ASEAN. In many ways, the Hu-Wen leadership today is still coming to grips with the same issues and problems as discussed in this book.

At a telling moment in the development of American East Asia policy, the dream of a Christian China, made vivid by the utterances of returned missionaries, fired the imagination of the general public, influenced opinion leaders and policymakers, and furthered the Open Door doctrine. Missionary-inspired enthusiasm for China ran parallel to the different attitude of the American business community, which viewed Japan as the more appropriate focus of American interest in East Asia. During the five years here examined, the religious mentality proved stronger than the commercial mentality in influencing American policy toward the Chinese Republican Revolution and the Twenty-one Demands of 1915. James Reed’s treatment of the struggle between William Jennings Bryan and Robert Lansing over the Japanese demands in China is detailed and penetrating. This book builds on the work of Akira Iriye, Michael Hunt, Ernest May, and others in its analysis of cultural attitudes, business affairs, and the mindset of the foreign policy elites. Its thesis—that the Protestant missionary movement profoundly shaped the course of our historical relations with East Asia—will interest both specialists and general readers.

Over 250 Princeton alumni and friends from 17 countries and from classes spanning a 66-year period attended the Conference. The presentations were of high quality, as can be seen from the proceedings. The speakers and other participants came from different national and cultural backgrounds and represented different points of view. For example, in discussing US-Asia relations James Baker represented an American viewpoint, while in the same session Yoshio Hatano represented a Japanese point of view, as did Toyoo Gyohten in a different session on economic issues.This valuable volume is a collection of frank and insightful essays on Asia-Pacific by notable Princetonians who are influential in the region.