Iran's nuclear aspirations increasingly dominate its relations with the United States and Europe. China remains one of Iran's strongest allies on the Security Council, and also its most likely supplier of technology and assistance, built on decades of close economic and military relations. Iran is enjoying strong new influence in the Middle East and Asia following record oil profits and Shi'i victories in Iraqi parliamentary elections. Like Iran, China fought for decades to increase its self-reliance and geopolitical influence after painful experiences under European colonialism, which spurred nationalist revolutions. With China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World, John Garver breaks new ground on the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Grounding his survey in the twin concepts of civilization and power, Garver explores the relationship between these two ancient and proud peoples, each of which consider the other a peer and a partner in their mutual determination to build a post-Western-dominated Asia. Successive governments of both China and Iran have recognized substantial national capabilities in each other, capabilities that allow the countries to achieve their own national interests through cooperation. These interests have varied - from countering Soviet expansionism to resisting U.S. unilateralism - but the cooperative relationship between the two nations has remained constant. In his compelling analysis, Garver explores the evolution of Sino-Iranian relations through several phases, including Iran under the shah and before the 1979 revolution; from the 1979 revolution to 1989, a year marked both by the end of the Iran-Iraq war and the beginning of conflict in Sino-U.S. relations; and from 1989 to 2004. China and Iran includes discussion of the current debates at the International Atomic Energy Agency over Iran's nuclear programs and China's role in assisting these programs and in supporting Iran in international debates. Garver examines China's involvement in Iran's efforts to modernize its military, including China's offer of weapons, capital goods, and engineering services in exchange for Iranian oil, suggesting links between this energy exchange and China's support for Iran in political arenas. In today's political climate, where China is recognized as a rising and increasingly influential global power and Iran as one of the most powerful nations in the Middle East, this book presents a crucial analysis of a topic of utmost importance to scholars and the general public today.

Because of their historical roles and politico-economic significance in contemporary international politics, Iran and China have perpetually been in the crosshairs of both policy circles and interested observers in almost every other part of the world. Crucial interactions touching upon any aspect of Tehran–Beijing ties, from diplomatic and military links to economic and cultural connections, have especially been in the limelight of such riveting inquisitiveness which has often given rise to a flurry of rash comments, sensational claims, and impetuous conclusions. But a detached probe into critical developments involving Iran and China, however, elucidates this rather inconvenient eventuality that the relations between the two important countries are not essentially based on pivotal principles and clear-cut commitments, nor do their ties really rest on tenuous thoughts and flimsy foundations devoid of any common interests in short term or well-conceived objectives in long run. In the same way, the two political systems in Tehran and Beijing may ultimately end up each contributing to a separate pole of power regionally and internationally rather than moving faithfully and steadfastly in lockstep with what it requires them to truly materialize their more recent aspiration and design to move toward achieving a very close strategic partnership.

In February 2018, anticipating the US withdrawal from the JCPOA, Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared a policy of "preferring East over West", thus paving the way for deeper cooperation with Asian powers such as China, Russia, and India. Differently from the "Look East" policy promoted during the presidency of Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), the current Iranian strategy is not only functional to escape the US-led isolation, but it rather seems devoted to the consolidation of a block of power which can commit to security and economic schemes in alternative to the Western-dominated ones. This ISPI report aims to answer few crucial questions: Which are the major initiatives promoted within Iran's "Look East 2.0" strategy? To what extent will Tehran succeed in creating a solid Eastern block? What will be the influence of the wider geopolitical context? And finally, what role is left for the EU?

The conclusion of the multilateral agreement about the Iranian nuclear issue in June 2015 was widely predicted to accelerate both the scope and size of commercial interactions between China and Iran. As a result, the two countries talked about the prospect of increasing their bilateral commerce from less than $50 billion to $600 billion within a short period of time. Later, Beijing and Tehran moved to sign a 25-year strategic agreement partly to achieve that critical objective. The American withdrawal from the nuclear deal under the Trump administration in May 2018, however, put a halt to the rosy trade prospect of $600 billion between China and Iran. The contentious 25-year pact laid in the limbo in the wake of the crippling regime of international sanctions in which Washington spearheaded against Iran upon quitting the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Shirzad Azad argues how China’s overall commercial relationship with Iran has turned out to be unusually asymmetrical and lopsided over the past several years. In some areas, Sino–Iranian business partnership surprisingly dwindled to a trickle, while in several other fields the presence of Chinese brands and technological expertise in Iran unexpectedly reached an all-time high.

Bringing together experts from history, international relations and the social sciences, United States Relations with China and Iran examines the past, present and future of U.S. foreign relations toward the People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Iran. It benefits from recently declassified documents and an interdisciplinary, transnational approach to explore different aspects of the relations between these three countries. While the 20th century has been referred to as the “American Century,” this book posits that the 21st century will be shaped by relations between the United States and key countries in Asia, in particular China and Iran. In assessing the United States' foreign policy towards China and Iran over the past six decades the chapters focus on several key themes: interaction, normalization, and confrontation. The book provides an insight into how and why Washington has developed and implemented its policies toward Beijing and Tehran, and examines how China and Iran have developed policies toward the United States and internationally. Finally, it draws on the insights of leading scholars discussing the future of relations between Beijing and Tehran. This interdisciplinary book brings a unique perspective to the international relations of the 20th century and beyond, and will benefit students and scholars of U.S. foreign relations as well as Middle Eastern and East Asian history and politics.

This book comparatively assesses the China and India’s soft power strategy in Iran. By employing Joseph S. Nye’s “Soft Power” theory and forming the new concept of “Power of Bonding”, this book formulated China and India’s soft power narratives and applied it through the empirical analysis in Iran. Based on this theory, this book seeks explanations for the question of “How China and India respectively, strategically and comparatively use the soft power strategy in Iran?”. To reach the find-out, this book compares the understanding, resources, strategies, influences and uses of China and India’s soft power in Iran under three thematic areas, including “power of bonding through cultural attractions, and attributions”; ‎“political and diplomatic engagement” and “economic partnerships”. By analysing China and India’s soft power strategy in Iran, this book ‎seeks to contribute to the soft power literature through a theoretical replication based ‎on non-Western soft power strategy, the concept and its empirical application in China and India.

This book assesses Iran’s role in contemporary geopolitics. In particular, it examines three main intertwining circles: Iran’s development and political challenges, its relationships with neighbouring countries, as well as its relations with the major global powers — China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With contributions from over 20 authors, the book spans such critical aspects of contemporary geopolitics as modern history, natural resources, the economy, the social-political context, and strategic thinking. Particular focus is placed on Iran’s relations with its neighbours - Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf States. Furthermore, the book offers both a bilateral and multilateral dimension on how nuclear sanctions imposed on Iran have impacted its strategic planning, from the economic and military perspectives.

Contains the proceedings of the September 1996 hearing before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, on the effects that Chinese weapons that were sold to Iran will have on U.S. troops, on Israel, and on the stability of the region. Testimony is presented by: Dr. Seth Carus, Research Analyst, Center for Navel Analyses; Michael Eisenstadt, Military Fellow, Washington Institute for Near East Policy; and Leonard Spector, Senior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

With the creeping possibility of a nuclear breakout, its vigorous sponsorship of international non-state armed groups and its escalating intervention next door in Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories; the Islamic Republic of Iran is a triple threat - at least - to international security and America and Western's Middle Eastern interests. Indeed, perhaps no country, according to the West, fits the definition of rogue state as well as Iran does. Making matters worse, Iran's confidence and clout in the region - and beyond - are indubitably on the rise. But that is only the beginning. Shiite Persian Iran is not content with being just an inconsequential pariah. Iran has grand ambitions. Tehran wants to be the predominant state in the Middle East, replacing the United States as the region's power broker and lording over its Sunni Arab neighbours. With the fall of its most fearsome competitors for regional pre-eminence - Iraq's Saddam Hussein and Afghanistan's Taliban - Iran is unabashedly reasserting itself on the international stage. Buoyed by high energy prices, emboldened by continuing American challenges in Iraq and Afghanistan, encouraged by consistent, unimpeded progress in its nuclear program and the increased influence of its extremist allies - Hamas and Hizbollah - Iran has its eye on becoming the regional hegemony. So the question here: How Iran plans to fight America, Israel and the West and dominate the Middle East? Gabriel G. Tabarani, who is an Expert on Middle East Affairs, will try to give the answer on this question in this book through a fair and balanced information, analysis, arguments, examination, and recommendations which will clear every point concerning the Iranian ambitions and the USA strategy to confront them.