Chinese Cyber Nationalism offers the first comprehensive examination of the social and ideological movement that mixes Confucian cultural traditions and advanced media technology. Over the past decade, the Internet has increasingly become a communication center, organizational platform, and channel of execution by which Chinese nationalistic causes have been promoted throughout the world. Dr. Xu Wu chronicles the movement's evolutionary path through five distinct developing phases that cover the span of twelve years. Through the use of online surveys and in-depth interviews with foreign policy makers, nationalist webmasters, and leading intellectuals in China, this book analyzes the characteristics and political implications of the movement. Xu presents a unique framework for scholars to understand China's modernization and historic return onto the world stage. Chinese Cyber Nationalism is a important addition to the study of political communication and China's foreign policy.

The prevailing consumerism in Chinese cyberspace is a growing element of Chinese culture and an important aspect of this book. Chinese bloggers, who have strongly embraced consumerism and tend to be apathetic about politics, have nonetheless demonstrated political passion over issues such as the Western media's negative coverage of China. In this book, Jiang focuses upon this passion - Chinese bloggers' angry reactions to the Western media's coverage of censorship issues in current China - in order to examine China's current potential for political reform. A central focus of this book, then, is the specific issue of censorship and how to interpret the Chinese characteristics of it as a mechanism currently used to maintain state control. While Cyber-Nationalism in China examines fundamental questions surrounding the political implications of the Internet in China, it avoids simply predicting that the Internet does or does not lead to democratization. Applying a theoretical approach based on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality, the book builds on current scholarship that has attempted to move beyond examining the dynamics of the socio-cultural and -political use of new media technologies. Instead, this book's more intricate theoretical approach does not only accommodate the kind of liberal (apolitical or political) use observed on the Internet in China, but indicates that desires for political change, such as they are, are implicitly embedded in the relationship between China's online communities and state apparatus - noting, however, that the latter claims total governance over the Internet in the name of the people.

This book gives a deep description of a new trend in Chinese cyber-nationalism through an examination of Diba Expedition 2016. The eight chapters, written by researchers from the United States and China, touch on the topics of history, mobilization, and the organization of new cyber nationalism; the evolution of symbolic devices; and the impact of information and communications technologies (ICTs), consumerism, fans culture, and Internet subcultures on cyber-nationalism and the political consequences of it. The authors have embedded the Diba Expedition and new cyber-nationalism, which may be called fandom nationalism, in the media ecology of social media, the mobile Internet, the smartphone, and a new generation of ICTs. They also try to explain the change in the Chinese political culture from the turn of the twenty-first century up to now under the impact of official nationalistic education, commercial culture, and the grassroots Internet culture. Readers interested in political culture, Internet culture, and youth culture will find this book helpful in understanding why traditional nationalism, with hatred, anger, and actions in the real world, has evolved into fandom nationalism, with love, satire, and actions in the virtual world, as illustrated in the Diba Expedition.

Since the Chinese were officially plugged into the virtual community in 1994, the usage of the internet in the country has developed at an incredible rate. By the end of 2008, there were approximately 298 million netizens in China, a number which surpasses that of the U.S. and ranks China the highest user in the world. The rapid development of the online Chinese community has not only boosted the information flow among citizens across the territory, but has also created a new form of social interaction between the state, the media, various professionals and intellectuals, as well as China's ordinary citizens. Although the subject of this book is online Chinese nationalism, which to a certain extent is seen as a pro-regime phenomenon, the emergence of an online civil society in China intrinsically provides some form of supervision of state power-perhaps even a check on it. The fact that the party-state has made use of this social interaction, while at the same time remaining worried about the negative impact of the same netizens, is a fundamental characteristic of the nature of the relationship between the state and the internet community. Many questions arise when considering the internet and Chinese nationalism. Which are the most important internet sites carrying online discussion of nationalism related to the author's particular area of study? What are the differences between online nationalism and the conventional form of nationalism, and why do these differences exist? Has nationalist online expression influenced actual foreign policy making? Has nationalist online expression influenced discourse in the mainstream mass media in China? Have there been any counter reactions towards online nationalism? Where do they come from? Online Chinese Nationalism and China's Bilateral Relations seeks to address these questions.

China's guiding principle for foreign relations and its focus on states and regions has shifted a lot from the first 30 years of the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, to 1978 and beyond, after reform and opening-up. However, PRC's diplomatic practice has been continuous, whether it was participation in the Korean War, breaking up with the former Soviet Union after a honeymoon period, China's self defense war over Sino-Indian border, participation in the Vietnam War, breakthrough in the Sino-US relation, or PRC's self defense war over the Sino-Vietnamese border. These historical events brought the need for theoretical study in International Politics (IP). The development of China's IP research was slow and filled with complications, but it signified a breakthrough from scratch. This book has filled gap by depicting a complete scroll of China's IP research in over 60 years since 1949. This book has followed two principles: one is according to the classification of the IP discipline and the other is to recommend adaptations according to China's actual conditions.

Cyberdefense has become, over the past five years, a major issue on the international scene. China, by the place it occupies, is the subject of attention: it is observed, criticized, and designated by many states as a major player in the global cyber-insecurity. The United States is building their cyberdefense strategy against what they call the "Chinese threat." It is therefore important to better understand today's challenges related to cyber dimension in regard of the rise of China. Contributions from international researchers provide cross perspectives on China, its strategies and policies for cybersecurity and cyberdefense. These issues have now gained major strategic dimension: Is Cyberspace changing the scene of international relations? How China does apprehend cybersecurity and cyberdefense? What are the issues, challenges? What is the role of China in the global cyberspace?

This handbook presents a comprehensive survey of the formation and transformation of nationalism in 15 East and Southeast Asian countries. Written by a team of international scholars from different backgrounds and disciplines, this volume offers new perspectives on studying Asian history, society, culture, and politics, and provides readers with a unique lens through which to better contextualise and understand the relationships between countries within East and Southeast Asia, and between Asia and the world. It highlights the latest developments in the field and contributes to our knowledge and understanding of nationalism and nation building. Comprehensive and clearly written, this book examines a diverse set of topics that include theoretical considerations on nationalism and internationalism; the formation of nationalism and national identity in the colonial and postcolonial eras; the relationships between traditional culture, religion, ethnicity, education, gender, technology, sport, and nationalism; the influence of popular culture on nationalism; and politics, policy, and national identity. It illustrates how nationalism helped to draw the borders between the nations of East and Southeast Asia, and how it is re-emerging in the twenty-first century to shape the region and the world into the future. The Routledge Handbook of Nationalism in East and Southeast Asia is essential reading for those interested in and studying Asian history, Social and Cultural history, and modern history.

This book discusses the use of the internet in China, the complicated power relations in online political communications, and the interactions and struggles between the government and the public over the use of the internet. It argues that there is a "semi-structured" online public sphere, in which there is a certain amount of equal and liberal political communication, but that the online political debates are also limited by government control and censorship, as well as by inequality and exclusions, and moreover that the government rarely engages in the political debates. Based on extensive original research, and considering specific debates around particular issues, the book analyses how Chinese net-users debate about political issues, how they problematize the government’s actions and policies, what language they use, what online discourses are produced, and how the debates and online discourses are limited. Overall, the book provides a rich picture of the current state of online political communication in China.

Chinese nationalism is powered by a narrative of China's century of shame and humiliation in the hands of imperialist powers and calls for the Chinese government to redeem the past humiliations and take back all "lost territories." The continuing surge of Chinese nationalism in the early 21st century therefore has fed a roiling sense of anxiety in many political capitals about whether a virulent nationalism has emerged to make China’s rise anything but peaceful. This book addresses this anxiety by examining the domestic sources and foreign policy implications of Chinese nationalism in the early 21st century. It is divided into three parts. Part I is an overview of the scholarly debate about if the rise of Chinese nationalism has driven China’s foreign policy in a more irrational and inflexible direction in the first one and half decades of the 21st century. Part II analyzes the construction of Chinese nationalism by a variety of domestic forces, including the communist state, the angry youth (fen qing), liberal intellectuals, and ethnic groups. Part III explores whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive through the case studies of China’s maritime territorial disputes with Japan in the East China Sea and with several Southeast Asian countries in the South China Sea, the border controversy over the ancient Koguryo with Korea, and the cross-Taiwan Strait relations. This book was based on articles published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

Nationalism, in China as much as elsewhere, is today adopted, filtered, transformed, enhanced, and accelerated through digital networks. And as we have increasingly seen, nationalism in digital spheres interacts in complicated ways with nationalism "on the ground". If we are to understand the social and political complexities of the twenty-first century, we need to ask: what happens to nationalism when it goes digital? In China's Digital Nationalism, Florian Schneider explores the issue by looking at digital China first hand, exploring what search engines, online encyclopedias, websites, hyperlink networks, and social media can tell us about the way that different actors construct and manage a crucial topic in contemporary Chinese politics: the protracted historical relationship with neighbouring Japan. Using two cases, the infamous Nanjing Massacre of 1937 and the ongoing disputes over islands in the East China Sea, Schneider shows how various stakeholders in China construct networks and deploy power to shape nationalism for their own ends. These dynamics provide crucial lessons on how nation states adapt to the shifting terrain of the digital age and highlight how digital nationalism is today an emergent property of complex communication networks.