China’s emergence as a global economic superpower, and as a major regional military power in Asia and the Pacific, has had a major impact on its relations with the United States and its neighbors. China was the driving factor in the new strategy the United States announced in 2012 that called for a “rebalance” of U.S. forces to the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, China’s actions on its borders, in the East China Sea, and in the South China Sea have shown that it is steadily expanding its geopolitical role in the Pacific and having a steadily increasing impact on the strategy and military developments in other Asian powers.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese-Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the burgeoning 'strategic partnership' between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues including preventing coloured revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and re-shaping aspects of the global order. They are key players not only influencing regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. The Sino-Russian partnership presents a potential counterbalance to the United States and democratic nations in shaping the contemporary and emerging geopolitical landscape. Nevertheless, the West is still an important partner for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of 'mutual respect' and 'equality'. Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. The Sino-Russian relationship has gained considerable momentum, particularly since 2014 as Moscow turned to Beijing attempting to offset tensions with the West in the aftermath of Russia's annexation of Crimea and intervention in Ukraine. However, so far, China and Russia describe their relationship as a comprehensive 'strategic partnership', but they are not 'allies'.

This book discusses the threats and challenges facing the Persian Gulf and the future security in the region, providing an overview of the major regional and extra-regional actors in Gulf security. It argues that except for Iran, no regional or extra-regional actors, including the United States, China, India and Russia, have developed a strategy for Persian Gulf security, and only Turkey has expressed a willingness to provide security for the region. Importantly, the major threats to Persian Gulf security are nonconventional, rather than external, threats to Iranian hegemony or the balance of power. In conclusion, it predicts that the power struggle in the Persian Gulf in the coming decades will be between Iran and Turkey, and not between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This book is of interest to diplomats, journalists, international affairs specialists, strategists and scholars of Gulf politics and security and defence studies.

Global Governance, Conflict and China sheds a unique perspective on China’s normative behaviour in the realm of collective security, peacekeeping, arms control, the war on terror and post-conflict justice. This analysis engages with an Asian epistemological framework whose relational thought borrows from the context – space and time alike – that informs China’s principle-driven conduct on the international plane. Through the lens of relational governance, this work develops a new theory on the relational normativity of international law (TORNIL) that identifies the interdependent sources that underpin China’s international legal argument, i.e. norms, values and relationships. Without a fertile soil in which those conflicting relationships between share- and stakeholders can be rebuilt, international laws governing (post-conflict) violence cannot restore and maintain peace, humanity and accountability.

The book focuses on the main security threats, defence industry, arms trade, defence policies and military capabilities related issues in the Asia-Pacific region. There are only a very few regions in the world which have advanced so fast both economically and technologically as the Asia-Pacific in the past few decades. Probably this is one of the reasons why several countries in the region have gained confidence, sharpened their diplomatic tone, increased their defence expenditure, invested into military capabilities, and questioned both the local and global status-quo. The region contains emerging powers, far-reaching ambitions, threatening rhetoric, rising political tensions, and concerns about military conflicts. Factors that show that critical issues are at stake, the reopening of long-forgotten debates, are more relevant than ever and masses of uncertainties are yet to be resolved. This book will be of much interest to all students and scholars of Asia-Pacific Security, Asian politics and International Relations in general. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Defense & Security Analysis.

As the relationship between China and the United States becomes increasingly complex and interdependent, leaders in Beijing and Washington are struggling to establish a solid common foundation on which to expand and deepen bilateral relations. In order to examine the challenges facing U.S.-China relations, the National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR) and the Institute for Global Cooperation and Understanding (iGCU) at Peking University brought together a group of leading experts from China and the United States in Beijing and Honolulu to develop a conceptual foundation for U.S.-China relations into the future, tackling the issues in innovative ways under the banner of U.S.-China Relations in Strategic Domains. The resulting chapters assess U.S.-China relations in the maritime and nuclear sectors as well as in cyberspace and space and through the lens of P2P and mil-to-mil exchanges. Scholars and students in political science and international relations are thus presented with a diagnosis and prognosis of the relations between the two superpowers.

Bitzinger examines the phenomenon of attempted self-reliance in arms production within Asia, and assesses the extent of success in balancing this independence with the growing requirements of next-generation weapons systems. He analyzes China, India, Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia. The overarching question in the book is whether self-reliance is a strategically viable solution for development and manufacturing of arms. Given the ever-changing dynamics and increasing demand for sophisticated next-generation weaponry, will these countries be able to individually sustain their domestic defense industries and constantly update their technologies? This is the first book to analyze arms production from a regional perspective.

Last year, the war in Syria became a melee––the US, Russia, NATO, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon and some others struggled to bring peace to the region. But each stakeholder hankered after a different end state––President Bashar al-Assad’s continuance in power became a contentious issue. In due course of time Syria and the Islamic State in Syria (ISIS) jumped the order of priorities for the US forces in the area. In importance, they have left behind the drawdown in Afghanistan, which has been back-burnered provisionally. As it appears, garnering the support of the countries of the region like India, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, etc. to counter the rise of China, will continue to be high on the US agenda. Likewise, lifting of sanctions against Iran, following its rapprochement with the West will influence the world in many ways. The fallout of the testing of the hydrogen bomb by North Korea, the South China Sea imbroglio and Indo-Pak relations in the wake of the Pathankot terror strike too will cast their shadows on the geo-politics of the region in 2016. Evading war and conflict in the prevailing environment is an effort; economic interests and geo-political compulsions make the choice of alignment difficult for peace-loving nations of the world. They are faced with the dilemma of evading armed conflicts. It requires a conscious and sustained effort to do so. In order to work towards such goals, it is necessary to look at the geo-political, security and military-related issues objectively. The Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS) has been publishing the Asian Defence Review to fulfill this need. This volume, a resource base for both the professional and general readers, is the ninth in the series under this title. It aims to add to the pool of information and knowledge in the current strategic discourse dealing with military strategy, defence, politics and trends in military capabilities that impact Asia. In particular, it covers some of the important issues related to India’s security environment, the Indian Air Force, cyber warfare, nuclear security, warfare technologies, export control regimes, Russia, China and Pakistan.

What explains the ebb and flow of the Sino-Japanese rivalry? Why do the two states sometimes choose to escalate or de-escalate the rivalry? Does domestic politics play a role? Examining the historic and contemporary relationship between China and Japan through the lens of the interstate rivalry literature, Streich analyzes two periods of Sino-Japanese rivalry and the reasons for their ever-changing nature. He looks both at how rivalry theory can help us to understand the relationship between the two countries and how this relationship can in turn inform rivalry theory. His results find that domestic politics and expected costs play a large role in determining when each state decides when to escalate, de-escalate, or maintain the status quo. This book is an essential guide to understanding the historical development and contemporary status of the Sino-Japanese rivalry.

What are Beijing’s objectives towards the developing world and how they have evolved and been pursued over time? Featuring contributions by recognized experts, China Steps Out analyzes and explains China’s strategies in Southeast Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, Africa, Middle East, and Latin America, and evaluates their effectiveness. This book explains how other countries perceive and respond to China’s growing engagement and influence. Each chapter is informed by the functionally organized academic literature and addresses a uniform set of questions about Beijing’s strategy. Using a regional approach, the authors are able to make comparisons among regions based on their economic, political, military, and social characteristics, and consider the unique features of Chinese engagement in each region and the developing world as a whole. China Steps Out will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese foreign policy, comparative political economy, and international relations.