In this book, Anthony Williams investigates the history of Christian Socialist thought in Britain from the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth century. Through analysis of the writings of ten key Christian Socialists from the period, Williams reframes the ideology of Christian Socialism as a coherent and influential body of political thought - moving the study of Christian Socialism away from historical narratives and towards political ideology. The book sheds new light on a key period in British political development, in particular Williams demonstrates how the growth of the Christian Socialist movement exercised a profound impact on the formation of the British Labour party, which would go on to radically change 20th century politics in Britain.

Christian Socialism arose in England in the mid-nineteenth century as a response to the philosophy of 'political economy' - now commonly called neoliberalism. Seeking not institutional change or nationalisation, but a reform of the moral underpinnings of society, it refuted the assumption that people are essentially selfish, competitive individuals seeking nothing but personal happiness. Although they did not deny the presence of selfishness, its proponents believed that the social nature of humankind lies deeper than such egotism and conflict, and pursued a society built on this belief. Less prominent now than at the time of its inception, Christian Socialism nevertheless continues into the twenty-first century, its goal nothing less than a new society built upon the virtues of equality, fellowship, cooperation, service and justice. Philip Turner's careful exposition traces the history of this strand of Anglican political thought and restores confidence in its message for the future.

First published in 1968. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and was founded upon the Donnellan lectures delivered by the author at Trinity College, Dublin, in May 1919.

Daniel L. Smith-Christopher focuses on the life and efforts of Keir Hardie, one of the founders of the UK Labour Party and one of the foremost figureheads of trade unionism. Drawing upon the work of two contemporary and significant American theorists-Herbert Gutman's classic essay on “Working-Class Religion” and Michael Gold's call for “Proletarian Literature”-Smith-Christopher marries British and American historical and theoretical debates to argue that Hardie's work is surely the quintessential example of a “proletarian exegesis” of the Bible. Beginning with a summary of the major events in Hardie's life, Smith-Christopher draws both upon existing biographies and more recent historical discussions that question assumption of British social history. He then reviews previous debates upon the influence of Hardie's own Christian faith upon his journalistic output, and assesses three Christian Socialists whose work was advertised and reviewed by Hardie himself: Dennis Hird, John Morrison Davidson, and Caroline Martyn. Smith-Christopher proceeds to Hardie's copious writings, both for The Labour Leader and separately published lectures, pamphlets, and somewhat longer works of autobiography and comment. Highlighting Hardie's tendency to cite favorite texts (heavily from the Gospels and James, but also some notable Old Testament discussions), Smith-Christopher proves Hardie's serious discussion of these texts beyond mere political rhetoric; concluding by comparing a selection of Hardie's favorite Biblical arguments with contemporary research in Biblical Studies about these same passages, evaluating the problems and possibilities of proposing a “Proletarian Exegesis”.

Victorian Christian Socialism began as a protest against industrial evils by a group of Anglicans in 1848 - the year of the great Chartist demonstration. In F. D. Maurice it had a prophet and a thinker whose ideas inspired subsequent Christians, so that the ideals of the original Christian Socialists began to spread to other Churches. The result was a series of critiques of the England of their day, rather than a systematic 'movement', and is best analysed, as it is in this book, through an examination of the leading figures, who in addition to Maurice include Charles Kingsley, Thomas Hughes and John Ruskin. The present study is not a collection of biographical studies, however, but a history of Christian Socialism constructed around the most influential of its advocates. They are shown to have been ethical and educational reformers rather than politicians, but in their ability to stand outside the common assumptions and prejudices of their day they achieved social criticism of lasting value.

This book is a companion to my book The Theoretical Solution to the British/Irish Problem, which gives a suggested constitution for the Federal Kingdom of Ireland and it recognizes a right, center, and left political structure of the Federation. The left structure is the Irish Christian Social and Democratic Party. Christian Socialism is peaceful in its origins and present form and is opposed to the violence of Marxist class conflict. In place of class struggle, Christian Socialism places class togetherness. Christian Socialism envisages a New Ireland and a New Ireland needs a new economic theory of the left. Georgeist economics fits the bill. George argued that land shouldnt be owned by individuals but collectively by the people. He held that there should be only a single land tax raised to meet the expenses of the state. This was a popular economic theory in the nineteenth century but was crushed by neoclassical economists such as Marx in the interests of the landed gentry in Ireland and England. Marx condemned the excesses of capitalists in their exploitation of labor but was silent when it came to the exploitation of tenant farmers in Ireland by the landed gentry. Georgeist economics need to be looked at again in twenty-first century Ireland.