Clash of Extremes takes on the reigning orthodoxy that the American Civil War was waged over high moral principles. Marc Egnal contends that economics, more than any other factor, moved the country to war in 1861. Drawing on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, Egnal shows that between 1820 and 1850, patterns of trade and production drew the North and South together and allowed sectional leaders to broker a series of compromises. After midcentury, however, all that changed as the rise of the Great Lakes economy reoriented Northern trade along east-west lines. Meanwhile, in the South, soil exhaustion, concerns about the country's westward expansion, and growing ties between the Upper South and the free states led many cotton planters to contemplate secession. The war that ensued was truly a "clash of extremes." Sweeping from the 1820s through Reconstruction and filled with colorful portraits of leading individuals, Clash of Extremes emphasizes economics while giving careful consideration to social conflicts, ideology, and the rise of the antislavery movement. The result is a bold reinterpretation that will challenge the way we think about the Civil War.

"This inquiry into the probable shape of things to come is sober, uncompromising, deeply informed, and full of provocative insights and judicious analyses." Noam Chomsky "The most forceful, most rigorous text that there is to read on this war." Le Monde Diplomatique The volatile Middle East is the site of vast resources, profound passions, frequent crises, and long-standing conflicts, as well as a major source of international tensions and a key site of direct U.S. intervention. Two of the most astute analysts of this part of the world are Noam Chomsky, the preeminent critic of U.S. foreign policy, and Gilbert Achcar, a leading specialist of the Middle East who lived in that region for many years. In their new book, Chomsky and Achcar bring a keen understanding of the internal dynamics of the Middle East and of the role of the United States, taking up all the key questions of interest to concerned citizens, including such topics as terrorism, fundamentalism, conspiracies, oil, democracy, self-determination, anti-Semitism, and anti-Arab racism, as well as the war in Afghanistan, the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the sources of U.S. foreign policy. This book provides the best readable introduction for all who wish to understand the complex issues related to the Middle East from a perspective dedicated to peace and justice.

The Vietnam War was in many ways defined by a civil-military divide, an underlying clash between military and civilian leadership over the conflict's nature, purpose and results. This book explores the reasons for that clash—and the results of it. The relationships between the U.S. military, its supporters, and its opponents during the Vietnam War were both intense and complex. Schwab shows how the ability of the military to prosecute the war was complicated by these relationships, and by a variety of nonmilitary considerations that grew from them. Chief among these was the military's relationship to a civilian state that interpreted strategic value, risks, morality, political costs, and military and political results according to a different calculus. Second was a media that brought the war—and those protesting it—into living rooms across the land. As Schwab demonstrates, Vietnam brought together two leadership groups, each with very different operational and strategic perspectives on the Indochina region. Senior military officers favored conceptualizing the war as a conventional military conflict that required conventional means to victory. Political leaders and critics of the war understood it as an essentially political conflict, with associated political risks and costs. As the war progressed, Schwab argues, the divergence in perspectives, ideologies, and political interests created a large, and ultimately unbridgeable divide between military and civilian leaders. In the end, this clash of cultures defined the Vietnam War and its legacy for the armed forces and for American society as a whole.

While globalization unifies the world, divisions re-emerge within it in the form of a spectacular separation between Islam and the West. How can it be that Huntington’s contested idea of a clash of civilizations became such a powerful political myth through which so many people look at the world? Bottici and Challand disentangle such a process of myth-making both in the West and in Muslim majority countries, and call for a renewed critical attitude towards it. By analysing a process of elaboration of this myth that took place in academic books, arts and media, comics and Hollywood films, they show that the clash of civilizations has become a cognitive scheme through which people look at the world, a practical image on the basis of which they act on it, as well as a drama which mobilizes passions and emotions. Written in a concise and accessible way, this book is a timely and valuable contribution to the academic literature, and more generally, to the public debate. As such, it will be an important reference for scholars and students of political science, sociology, philosophy, cultural studies, Middle Eastern politics and Islam.

The "clash of civilizations" focuses on conflict and cooperation between and within states. Dealing with the clash is essential for a peaceful and harmonious world. The "clash of civilizations" is a topic of great interest around the world and constitutes an important dimension of religion and international relations. In the quarter century since Huntington first aired his controversial framework, inter-civilizational "clash" and "dialogue" have become mainstream issues both in international relations and in many Western countries' domestic concerns. The book examines a key question: how does Samuel Huntington’s "clash of civilizations" "paradigm" help explain current Western governments" responses to Muslim migration and related security issues? Understanding relations between the West/Westerners and Muslim-majority societies/Muslims is impossible without being aware that right-wing populist politicians in the West, as well as some policy makers and commentators, seem to view all Muslims in a malign way. This indicates a lack of willingness to make a distinction between, on the one hand, the mass of "moderate," "ordinary," and "peaceful" Muslims and, on the other hand, a small minority of Islamist extremists and even smaller number of Islamist terrorists. The result is a crucial topic of our times: how do different civilizations coexist in a small and increasingly congested planet without conflict? The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of The Review of Faith & International Affairs.

This is a short history of evolution of governance, focused on the American and Swiss democracies. Plato in his dialogues argued that by investigating what is behind the idea of democracy, we may find its true form and function. And thus, by discovering its true form and function, we could know how best democracy could become a well-functioning reality. By such inquiry, the author tries to discover what was the vision of American forefathers for the American democracy when the American people were incorporated as one indivisible nation under God defined by the United States Constitution in 1787. Today, the clash of democracies and autocracies is being played out in Ukraine as its bloodbath being watched daily around the world. This must be stopped by every means available and by every person who prefers democracy. The pen, after all, was victorious against the most powerful empire of its day. Why would it not work again in twenty- first century's lightning speed of the enlightening Digital Age?

SOUNDING 3 begins with Echo 34: DERRIMUTT THE GO-BETWEEN. This clan head of the Bunurong people was the traditional ‘owner’ of the town site that became Melbourne’s CBD on the western side of the river. Bible-bashing Protector Thomas’s journals of camping with the natives at what is now the Botanic Gardens is eye-opening and reveals mind-bending mysteries and misery with grog and gun-control issues that resonate on up to today. This Sounding personalises many local Kulin identities such as Polierong aka Billy Lonsdale and Yabbee aka Billy Hamilton who name-swapped with the early leading townsmen and squatters on their ‘country’. Next follow snippets from Mick Woiwod’s fictional but faithful novel The Last Cry, along with his Yarra Valley anthropology and reconciliatory vision. Surveying and selling off the Yarra and Diamond Valley ‘badlands’ stringybark forest leads into discussions on sorcery, smallpox and culture-collapse into fringe-dwelling. The frontier moves on north, west and east and the tone changes to academic, political and biographic studies of Aboriginal workers and surviving kooris including the life and times of Wurundjeri clan heads Billibellary, Simon Wonga and William Barak. In the decades after World War 2, academic historical analysis led to the politicized ‘history wars’ as reaction to the racist colonial ‘white Australia policy’ lies, fears and distortions cloaked by denial and patriotism. Echo 49: THE NATIVE POLICE – Turncoats or adaptation [?] is the largest echo in this Sounding and the question is posed in five parts, the last being Irish observer Claire Dunne on applying the bloody colonial lessons of Port Phillip to frontier Queensland and beyond to Central Australia’s mass-murderer Constable Willshire and the cultural logic of settler nationalism. Echoes follow on re-visioning Aboriginal / white history and historical geography research of ‘high country’ clans and language groups in my unsatisfied search of a supposed ‘superior tribe’ in the Alps who reportedly ‘dwelt in stone houses all year round’. Sounding 3 ends with echoes titled COLONIAL OBSERVATIONS OF HIGH SOCIETY EMIGRANTS containing Georgina and her son George McCrae’s journals of Yarra-side and pioneering the Mornington peninsula in the 1840s along with early 1860s photographs of native people collected by gentleman squatter John Hunter Kerr.

“An ambitious look at the last days of the Clash . . . as much a political history of the 1980s as it is a look at an influential band in its final years.”—Publishers Weekly The Clash was a paradox of revolutionary conviction, musical ambition, and commercial drive. We Are The Clash is a gripping tale of the band’s struggle to reinvent itself as George Orwell’s 1984 loomed. This bold campaign crashed headlong into a wall of internal contradictions and rising right-wing power. While the world teetered on the edge of the nuclear abyss, British miners waged a life-or-death strike, and tens of thousands died from US guns in Central America, Clash cofounders Joe Strummer, Paul Simonon, and Bernard Rhodes waged a desperate last stand after ejecting guitarist Mick Jones and drummer Topper Headon. The band shattered just as its controversial final album, Cut the Crap, was emerging. Andersen and Heibutzki weave together extensive archival research and in-depth original interviews with virtually all of the key players involved to tell a moving story of idealism undone by human frailty amid a climatic turning point for our world. “The Clash’s final chapter, after guitarist Mick Jones’ 1983 departure, has largely been forgotten—until this book, in which authors Mark Andersen and Ralph Heibutzki argue that the punk pioneers were still creating vital music to the very end.”—Rolling Stone, an RS Picks/New Books “Focuses on a very different moment in the band’s history: the point at which the group splintered in the early 1980s, and its members grappled with an onset of reactionary governments around the world.”—Vol. 1 Brooklyn “One of the most rewarding music books you’ll come across this year.”—Johns Hopkins Magazine