This monograph provides an analysis of the People's Republic of China's evaluation of multilateralism and its place in Chinese foreign relations in the Asia-Pacific region. In contrast to conventional scholarly wisdom, the author, Dr. Jing-dong Yuan, contends that China is not opposed to multilateral approaches. In fact, Dr. Yuan asserts that China has adopted an approach he dubs "conditional multilateralism." According to Dr. Yuan, China now recognizes that multilateral engagement is unavoidable and indeed can be useful in advancing China's interests. China's embrace of multilateralism, however, varies depending upon the particular forum and specific issue. Furthermore, Dr. Yuan contends China remains leery of entering into arrangements that might constrain its independence and flexibility. This change in China's attitude toward multilateralism is a significant one that has important implications for U.S. national security strategy and for U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific. The Strategic Studies Institute is pleased to offer this study as a contribution to ongoing analyses and debates over the future roles China will play in the international security environment.

Analysts debate the international implications of a newly powerful China.China's relentless economic growth in the 1980s and 1990s heralded its emergence as a great power in world politics. As its economy expanded, China seemed poised to become the second-largest economy in the world. At the same time, it modernized its military and adopted a more assertive diplomatic posture. Many observers have begun to debate the international implications of China's rise. Some analysts argue that China will inevitably pose a threat to peace and security in East Asia. A few even predict a new cold war between Beijing and Washington. Others claim that a powerful China can remain benign. None believes that China can be ignored. The essays in this volume assess China's emerging capabilities and intentions, debate the impact that China will have on security in the Asia-Pacific region, and propose polices for the United States to adopt in its relations with China.

Policymaking and Peace is the third volume of a three-volume set that examines the multidimensional role of policy in the development and promotion of democracy, prosperity, and peace. The Peace volume brings together international contributions on the policy challenges faced by national and multinational bodies to counter violent separatism and encourage the acceptance of an increasingly pluralistic world. The chapters analyze the pivotal role of the United Nations, arms control and international security, mechanisms of internal and international dispute resolution, the growth of international crime, and the development of multinational bodies to promote law and order.

This book involves a variety of aspects and levels, including the diachronic and synchronic dimensions. Law profoundly affects our daily lives, but its language and culture can at times be nearly impossible to understand. As a comparative study of Chinese and Western legal language and legal culture, this book investigates the similarities and differences of both sides and identifies their respective advantages and disadvantages. Accordingly, it considers both social and cultural functions, and both theoretical and practical values. Firstly, the book addresses the differences, that is, the basic frameworks and disparities between the Chinese and Western legal languages and legal cultures. Secondly, it explores relevant changes over time, that is, the historical evolution and the basic driving forces that were at work before the Chinese and Western legal languages and cultures “met.” Lastly, the book elaborates on their fusion, that is, the conflicts and changes in Chinese and Western legal languages and cultures in China in the modern era, as well as the introduction, transplantation and transformation of Western legal culture.

Books accounting for 9-11 and its aftermath have been overwhelming since 2001. Yet the Chinese response to anti-terrorism remains a relatively under-studied topic. This book attempts to fill such a vacuum by illustrating how on a local and global scale, the Chinese state and society interacted to crystallise their identity and see their potential power in the face of 9-11 and its fallout.

Asia-Pacific in the New World Order critically explores the notion that a distinctive regional power bloc is developing linking countries bordering the Pacific, with East Asia at its core. This student-friendly volume sheds light on the complex interplay between global, regional and national forces which have transformed the Asia-Pacific area into one of the most vibrant and economically successful regions in the world. Historical narratives alongside geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives are deployed to examine the shifting pattern of power relations and security structures across the region, set within a wider world context. Key issues addressed include: * what are the primary security problems of the region and how are they being resolved? * does the dynamic growth of the region, and particularly the rise of China, pose a challenge to existing structures of world order? The text has a strong interdisciplinary flavour drawing on analytical approaches from the international relations, political economy and political geography literature. Authors have been drawn from the Asia-Pacific region and the UK and all are established scholars in their specialist fields.

First published in 1998, this volume examines East Asia, especially Northeast Asia, which has been a region of considerable political security of importance for several key reasons. It features several great and medium powers: China, Japan and Russia, as well as North and South Korea. Even though no arms race is yet discernible among these states (with the partial exception of the two Koreas), it is conceivable that one might commence. If it did, the level of militarization could become quite alarming, if only because of the tremendous and rapidly growing economic potential of the regional states. Even though relations among regional sates (except the two Koreas) are currently peaceful, the region features several unresolved issues (e.g. concerning territory) and a historical legacy of enmity between several states. To prevent such conflicts of interest from erupting into armed conflict is of the utmost importance. A stabilizing factor is that the military potentials in the region are still predominantly defensively oriented, i.e. most states lack the requisite power projection or invasion capabilities to inflict serious harm on each other. However, this might change in the not-so-distant future. Hence the importance of confidence-building measures; of an institutionalization of regional relations; and of a strengthening of commitments to defensive military strategies and postures.