The debate over the compatibility of Confucian culture with democracy is an ongoing one. Yet, few books in the existing literature have dealt specifically with the relationship between Confucian culture (as opposed to Confucianism or general cultural factors) and democracy. Prior to the end of the Second World War, no Confucian society was democratic, so the debate could only be done in an abstract sense. Only after the war did Japan emerge as a democratic country, and it is not a perfect case of the Confucian culture — for one, its Confucian legacy is diluted; moreover, its postwar transition to democracy was, to a large extent, externally imposed rather than internally generated. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, South Korea and Taiwan joined what Samuel P Huntington termed the “third wave of democratization”. Finally, at least two societies with strong Confucian heritage turned democratic, and unlike Japan, their democratic transition resulted mainly from internal political dynamics.Confucian Culture and Democracy represents a comprehensive effort to examine the linkages between Confucian culture and democracy. Building on the empirical evidence from South Korea and Taiwan, and examining semi-democratic societies with extensive experiences in electoral politics like Singapore and Hong Kong, this book provides readers with an empirical and detailed coverage of democratization and democratic governance in various Confucian societies. Japan — as a country influenced by Confucianism, is also analyzed, together with China — whether China joins the family of democratic states is undoubtedly an important concern for many in the region and beyond.

​​This volume focuses on contemporary Confucianism, and collects essays by famous sinologists such as Guy Alitto, John Makeham, Tse-ki Hon and others. The content is divided into three sections – addressing the “theory” and “practice” of contemporary Confucianism, as well as how the two relate to each other – to provide readers a more meaningful understanding of contemporary Confucianism and Chinese culture. In 1921, at the height of the New Culture Movement’s iconoclastic attack on Confucius, Liang Shuming (梁漱溟) fatefully predicted that in fact the future world culture would be Confucian. Over the nine decades that followed, Liang’s reputation and the fortunes of Confucianism in China rose and fell together. So, readers may be interested in the question whether it is possible that a reconstituted “Confucianism” might yet become China’s spiritual mainstream and a major constituent of world culture.

Is Confucianism compatible with democracy? Ongoing debates among political theorists revolve around the question of whether the overarching goal of Confucianism -- serving the people's moral and material well-being -- is attainable in modern day politics without broad democratic participation and without relying on a "one person, one vote" system. One side of the debate -- voiced by "traditional" Confucian meritocrats -- argues that only certain people are equipped with the moral character needed to lead and ensure broad public well-being. They emphasize moral virtue over civic virtue and the family over the state as the quintessential public institution. Moreover, they believe that a system of rule headed by meritorious elites can better handle complex modern public affairs than representative democracy. The other side -- voiced by Confucian democrats -- argues that unless all citizens participate equally in the public sphere, the kind of moral growth Confucianism emphasizes cannot be fully attained. Despite notable differences in political orientation, scholars of both positions acknowledge that democracy is largely of instrumental value for realizing Confucian moral ends in modern society. It would seem that Confucians of both types have largely dismissed democracy as a political system that can mediate clashing values and political views -- or even that Confucian democracy is a system marked by pluralism. In this book, Sungmoon Kim lays out a normative theory of Confucian democracy -- pragmatic Confucian democracy -- to address questions of the right to political participation, instrumental and intrinsic values of democracy, democratic procedure and substance, punishment and criminal justice, social and economic justice, and humanitarian intervention. As such, this project is not only relevant to the much debated topic of Confucian democracy as a cultural alternative to Western-style liberal democracy in East Asia, but it further investigates the philosophical implications of the idea and institution of Confucian democracy in normative democratic theory, criminal justice, distributive justice, and just war. Ultimately, Kim shows us that the question is not so much about the compatibility of Confucianism and democracy, but of how the two systems can benefit from each other.

Confucian Democracy in East Asia explores the unique Confucian reasoning that still exists in much of East Asian culture.

The election process reflects the essence of the electoral system. The justice of the electoral process can best reflect whether the electoral system is legitimate and democratic. The democratic and legal shortcomings of China's electoral system can be solved by rationalizing and democratizing the electoral process, which is consistent with the realization of justice under the electoral process. In this book, procedural justice is combined with the electoral process to find the conditions and elements needed to achieve more justice in elections. “The electoral system is still based on the political will of the political party to rule, and the electoral system itself has serious legislative problems, which shows that the foundation of China's electoral system has problems. Then China's electoral system cannot truly represent the political voices and political interests of the people in the implementation, and at the same time cannot reflect the fairness of the election in the electoral procedure and the determination of the election results. The People's Congress system and the Political Consultation system simply cannot elect the right representatives who truly represent the interests of the people. The elected government and state power organs are separated from the people's political status, political interests, and development interests in the operation of their duties and the exercise of power.” By analyzing the problems in China's electoral system and election procedures, the book concludes the conditions for the realization of more justice, rationalization, and democratization of China's electoral system and election procedures through procedural justice. The spiritual connotation of procedural justice under the electoral system and election procedures are combined with the traditional Chinese democratic political culture to construct an electoral political culture adapted to the contemporary Chinese political environment, advancing the development of procedural justice in China's electoral system to realize the rationality, legitimacy, and democracy of elections.

This book is divided into three sections comprised of pairs of chapters. First, a section examining how Confucianism interacts with democratic resilience in South Korea, compared with the societal role and challenge of Islam in Indonesian democracy. The second section will conduct brief historical surveys of the role of civil society role in Korean and Indonesian democratization, and debates about the appropriate role for civil society after democratization. In particular, the various roles of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and popular movements will be highlighted in both countries. The final section looks at socio-economic conditions and distributive justice in relation to democracy in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Indonesia.

This book debates the values and ideals of Confucian politics—harmony, virtue, freedom, justice, order—and what these ideals mean for Confucian political philosophy today. The authors deliberate these eminent topics in five debates centering on recent innovative and influential publications in the field. Challenging and building on those works, the dialogues consider the roles of benevolence, family determination, public reason, distributive justice, and social stability in Confucian political philosophy. In response, the authors defend their views and evaluate their critics in turn. Taking up a broad range of crucial issues—autonomy, liberty, democracy, political legitimacy, human welfare—these author-meets-critic debates will appeal to scholars interested in political, comparative, and East Asian philosophy. Their interlaced themes weave a portrait of what is at stake in discussing Confucian values and theory. Most importantly, they engage and develop the state of the field of Confucian political philosophy today.

The Routledge Handbook of Politics in Asia is designed to serve as a comprehensive reference guide to politics in Asia. Covering East, South, Southeast, and Central Asia, this handbook brings together the work of leading international academics to cover the political histories, institutions, economies, and cultures of the region. Taking a comparative approach, it is divided into four parts, including: A thorough introduction to the politics of the four regions of Asia from the perspectives of democratization, foreign policy, political economy, and political culture. An examination of the "Big Three" of Asia – China, India, and Japan – focusing on issues including post-Mao reform, China’s new world outlook, Indian democracy, and Japanese foreign policy. A discussion of important contemporary issues, such as human rights, the politics of the internet, security, nationalism, and geopolitics. An analysis of the relationship between politics and certain theoretical ideas, such as Confucianism, Hinduism, socialist constitutionalism, and gender norms. As an invaluable and all-inclusive resource, this handbook will be useful for students, scholars, researchers, and practitioners of Asian politics and comparative politics.

The rise of China, along with problems of governance in democratic countries, has reinvigorated the theory of political meritocracy. But what is the theory of political meritocracy and how can it set standards for evaluating political progress (and regress)? To help answer these questions, this volume gathers a series of commissioned research papers from an interdisciplinary group of leading philosophers, historians and social scientists. The result is the first book in decades to examine the rise (or revival) of political meritocracy and what it will mean for political developments in China and the rest of the world. Despite its limitations, meritocracy has contributed much to human flourishing in East Asia and beyond and will continue to do so in the future. This book is essential reading for those who wish to further the debate and perhaps even help to implement desirable forms of political change.