Significant changes have occured in the structural composition and geographical distribu tion of the populations of North West European countries during the 1970's and 1980's. Whilst the subject matter of this volume reflects many of the important themes of research activity that have preoccupied British and Dutch spatial demographers and population geographers over the last decade, the structure of the book aims to facilitate comparison of those selected themes between the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. The book has gradually taken shape over the period of time since the conference in Oxford, in 1986, when the contents were first presented. We are very grateful for the assistance that we have received during the production process from Marjie Salisbury, Tim Hadwin and John Dixon at the School of Geography, University of Leeds; from Annemieke Perquin at the National Physical Planning Agency in The Hague; and from Evert Meijer, Elmy Heuvelmans and Berry van Houten at GEODAN in Amsterdam. We also wish to acknowledge the contributions to the field of population geography that have been made in recent years by John Coward, who died so tragically in the Ke gworth air disaster earlier this year.

Country on the Move presents original research and a comprehensive multidisciplinary analysis of the spatial aspects of migration. It considers the spatial results of two diametrically opposed policies: planning from above to settle the North African and Asian newcomers in the 1950s, and planning by market forces for immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Unlike other books on immigration, Country on the Move also analyzes internal migration within Israel, which is an outcome of the regional disparities produced by immigration. Moreover, it compares the empirical findings in Israel with international trends, and its analysis can serve as a foundation for setting spatial immigration policy. Audience: Researchers specializing in population geography, migration, and regional development; university students on all levels who are taking courses in these subjects; and top officials in government ministries that deal with immigration.

Multi-Ethnic Metropolis is based on international comparative research on ethnic segre gation patterns and policy reactions at local and national level. The objective was to achieve a broader, European perspective. For the acquisition of the information on which this book is based, we relied heavily on our colleagues abroad and their network of relations, since a great deal of factual data and information on the policies pursued is usually not available in a freely accessible form and can only be obtained through persons who know their way around. Eventually, in formation was provided by about seventy people (data administrators, policymakers at local and state level, politicians, academic researchers, representatives of interest groups, etc. ). The names of all people that contributed to this study are mentioned in the list of persons who were interviewed. Without wishing to wrong all these people, we especially want to thank the key informants who acted as intermediaries for following contacts. In alphabetical order, these are the following persons: Dr. Lars-Erik Borgegard (Stockholm}, Prof. Chris Hamnett (London), Dr. Herve Vieil lard Baron (Paris}, Prof. dr. Chris Kesteloot (Brussels}, Prof. dr. Bob Murdie (Toronto}, Prof. Ceri Peach (London), Prof. Phil Rees (London and Manchester}, Prof Brian Rob son (Manchester) and Prof. GUnther Glebe (Dusseldorf and Frankfurt). Furthermore we owe thanks to Prof. Herman van der Wusten, who took care of the in terviews in 'Paris', which was an unruly case.

Arising initially from a conference, the papers published here have been integrated into book form to provide information on human activities and the tropical rainforest in the past and present, and on the possible future of the rainforest, in a unique way. Other books have considered some, but not all, of these themes; however, none has stressed the continuity of change over time and its possible outcome for the people of the forest as well as for the forest itself. Because of the approach taken, this book should appeal across traditional disciplinary boundaries. Indeed a prime aim has been to suggest that rainforest, because of its complexity and the complexity of people-rainforest relationships throughout time, deserves study from a broad perspective. This book poses more questions than answers about the rainforest and it is hoped that it will encourage readers to think about the rainforest in a wider way than hitherto. This book is aimed at geographers (physical and human), social anthropologists, archaeologists, pedologists, foresters and tropical botanists and will be of value to graduates of various disciplines setting out to research the rainforest.

Jan Lambooy retired in October 2002. When Jan was asked how he wanted to celebrate this occasion, he was adamant that no great festivities should take place. Characteristically, Jan wanted just a scientific conference so he “could learn something from it” and, as he insisted, no great festivities. So that is what we did and a conference was organised in Amsterdam on 25 October 2002, hosted by the Faculty of Economics and Econometrics of the University of Amsterdam. Friends of Jan’s from academia in the Netherlands and abroad participated and thus paid homage to Jan, both as a scientist and as a person. We are now very proud to present this festschrift, firstly as the palpable result of this conference and secondly as a token of sincere respect and great affection for Jan. Edited volumes run the danger of being a hotchpotch of contributions on a wide variety of topics. Here, we have explicitly focused on a central theme in contemporary economic geography and regional science, namely the relationship between learning, innovation and clustering. Internationally renowned scientists made both theoretical and empirical contributions to this volume. We think this book constitutes a broad palette of contemporary thinking and research on the relationship between spatial concentration and innovation and hope it will play a significant role in future debates on this issue.

The frequency with which people move home has important implications for national economic performance and the well-being of individuals and families. Much contemporary social and migration theory posits that the world is becoming more mobile, leading to the recent ‘mobilities turn’ within the social sciences. Yet, there is mounting evidence to suggest that this may not be true of all types of mobility, nor apply equally to all geographical contexts. For example, it is now clear that internal migration rates have been falling in the USA since at least the 1980s. To what extent might this trend be true of other developed countries? Drawing on detailed empirical literature, Internal Migration in the Developed World examines the long-term trends in internal migration in a variety of more advanced countries to explore the factors that underpin these changes. Using case studies of the USA, UK, Australia, Japan, Sweden, Germany and Italy, this pioneering book presents a critical assessment of the extent to which global structural forces, as opposed to national context, influence internal migration in the Global North. Internal Migration in the Developed World fills the void in this neglected aspect of migration studies and will appeal to a wide disciplinary audience of researchers and students working in Geography, Migration Studies, Population Studies and Development Studies.

This book is the culmination of several years of work by geographers, planners, and economists. The chapters included in this volume represent the collective efforts of the International Geographical Union’s Commission on the Dynamics of Economic Spaces, at their 2005 annual meeting in Toledo, Ohio (USA). The papers were selected based on their contribution to the community of economic geographers and policymakers and to demonstrate the inherent interconnectedness of these themes.

Superb! How refreshing to see a Handbook that eschews convention and explores the richness and diversity of the geographical imagination in such stimulating and challenging ways. - Peter Dicken, University of Manchester "Stands out as an innovative and exciting contribution that exceeds the genre." - Sallie A. Marston, University of Arizona "Captures wonderfully the richness and complexity of the worlds that human beings inhabit... This is a stand-out among handbooks!" - Lily Kong, National University of Singapore "This wonderfully unconventional book demonstrates human geography’s character and significance not by marching through traditional themes, but by presenting a set of geographical essays on basic ideas, practices, and concerns." - Alexander B. Murphy, University of Oregon "This SAGE Handbook stands out for its capacity to provoke the reader to think anew about human geography ... essays that offer some profoundly original insights into what it means to engage geographically with the world." - Eric Sheppard, UCLA Published in association with the journal Progress in Human Geography, edited and written by the principal scholars in the discipline, this Handbook demonstrates the difference that thinking about the world geographically makes. Each section considers how human geography shapes the world, interrogates it, and intervenes in it. It includes a major retrospective and prospective introductory essay, with three substantive sections on: Imagining Human Geographies Practising Human Geographies Living Human Geographies The Handbook also has an innovative multimedia component of conversations about key issues in human geography – as well as an overview of human geography from the Editors. A key reference for any scholar interested in questions about what difference it makes to think spatially or geographically about the world, this Handbook is a rich and textured statement about the geographical imagination.

2 society would be a free, anarchic society [an - without, archos - ruler], a society in which each individual is responsible for the relationship between himself and the society. By inner persuasion, we must live by making the maximum contri bution of our physical and mental assets combined with minimal charge against and exploitation of the society. We must contribute to society as much as possible because, directly and indirectly, we enjoy the contributions of the global society in which we live and of which we are a part.To achieve this goal, we must know not only ourselves but also the society in which we live. A society is not uniform. It is composed of mosaics of people of varying characteristics, structured in different patterns and groups, the qUalities of which we must know because upon them depends our own place in the society. Were the world uniform of feature and society, there would no place for regional geography. But because the world varies in form and its societies are different, study of the differentiation of the world's surface and the regional geography as the people who live on it is an important tool for understanding the society in which we live, particularly when our goal is to live with it in harmony.

here ofexchange, and borrowing in debates between these disciplines, all the more so, as we shall see a little further on, as the analysis of the Central and East European transformations has also contributed to introduce into political science and sociology theoretical systematizations first formulated in economics. In addition to this opening up to the objects and theories of economics, the pseudo-"dilemma" ofsimultaneity produced, by a kind of feedback, another series of effects on transitology and the related research domains. Contrary to most expectations and predictions in the wake ofthe 1989 upheavals - affirmations that the "dilemmas", "problems" or "challenges" of the transitions in Central and Eastern Europe ought to have been dealt with and resolved one after the other in sequence, in the manner of the more or less idealized trajectories of Great Britain or Spain (trajectories significantly enough promoted, far beyond the circles of scholars, as a "model" of transition), and above all, contrary to the assumption that superposing a radical economic transformation upon a transition to democracy would make the whole edifice thoroughly unworkable, unstable or dangerous - it must be stated clearly out that the two processes, in their "simultaneity", are not necessarily incompatible. This is one of the main findings stressed upon in several chapters of this book.