This book analyzes ALBA’s structure and dynamics, its practicality, its medium and long-term sustainability, and its capacity to influence regional and international affairs. The work examines ALBA’s possible economic and security consequences for neighboring non-member states in the region, particularly the United States, as well as other key actors such as China, Russia, and Iran. The volume analyzes the origins, ideological orientation, structure, internal dynamics, and evolution of the ALBA initiative and its regional and international implications during its first decade of existence. It is the first comprehensive work on the subject with a multi-disciplinary perspective and it provides an analysis of the new regional, Bolivarian Alliance initiative in Latin America and its relation to the international system. The volume includes studies on the Bolivarian Alliance and Chavismo under Hugo Chávez Frías’ leadership. As a whole, this volume weaves together such crucial issues as oil politics, drug-trafficking, hemispheric security, and trade.

How do America’s democratic allies perceive and respond to a relative decline in US power and influence and the simultaneous rise of China? Using the case-studies of Europe, the UK, Australia, Canada, Japan and South East Asian countries, this book offers a broad assessment of the perceptions of threat and the strategies used by these allies to cope with the relative decline of America’s hegemonic power, the rise of China and the transforming world order. In answering these central questions, contributors focus on two complementary analytical approaches. The first examines the perceptions of systemic changes by America’s allies: how are US allies framing this issue and what kind of political discourse is emerging with regards to it? The second approach focuses on the concrete foreign policy and defence strategies put forward by these allies. The book explores the extent to which US allies are willing to support US hegemony and considers the democratic allies’ understanding of the international structure, their relations to the United States, and their own aspirations in this changing world order. This book will be of interest to general readers as well as scholars and students of US foreign policy, foreign policy analysis and International Relations.

Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U.S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere applies competing definitions and conceptions of hegemony to various foreign policy initiatives and events during the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama to test whether they manifest a decline in traditional United States dominance and leadership in the Western Hemisphere. In particular, the book examines the continued relevancy of the Inter-American system, the failure to establish a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and the stillborn Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas (ECPA). It also discusses the implications of the People’s Republic of China becoming a major trading partner and important source of financing and investment capital throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. The book provides critical reviews of Plan Colombia, the Merida Initiative, Pathways to Prosperity in the Americas, the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), 100,000 Strong in the Americas, and the restoration of normal U.S. diplomatic relations with Cuba. There are extensive analyses, unusual for a work in English, on the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA), Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y del Caribe (CELAC), and Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR).

Drawing in lessons from 400 years of Great-Power politics, this volume challenges both the "declinist" arguments and the overstretched hypothesis of Paul Kennedy to develop an alternative approach to the debate on the rise and fall of the Great Powers. The first half of the book compares the Spanish, Dutch and the First and Second British world orders. It identifies their common features in order to find the most salient causes for their rise as world powers, and the most probable reasons for their decline. The second half of the book addresses the American world order in the 20th century, from Pax Americana to the End of US Hegemony. The author sees the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the resurgence of the US as evidence of the role played by normative dimensions, commonly underestimated in International Relations analysis. Theoretically challenging, Knutsen's volume provides a fresh approach to debates in international relations aimed at both students and scholars.

Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - General and Theories of International Politics, grade: 1,3 (A), Martin Luther University (GPS), course: International Political Economy, language: English, abstract: In the second half of the 20. century the term of “Hegemonic Stability Theory “ was introduced by political scientists such as Stephen Krasner, Robert Gilpin and Robert Keohane to explain the mechanisms of the new economic world order that had been established after the Second World War.1 The main assumption of the theory that a stable liberal economic world order needs a hegemo n was explained with the examples of the British hegemony in the 18. and 19. century and with the example of American hegemony in the postwar years of the second half of the 20. century. This term paper intends to answer the following questions: What is Hegemonic Stability Theory about? How is the shape of the hegemonic system? Why will it decline? The theoretical assumptions will be extended by a closer look at the UShegemony. How was it possible that the US could establish their leadership in the international economic system? What did they do to create a stable global economic order? Of course, the last questions have to answer why the US weakened and why their hegemony eventually declined? How is the situation today? Is there still a hegemon? To answer these questions, the first part of the paper will summarize the main assumptions of the theory. Then, the international economic situation after the Second World War which enabled the US to become the world ́s hegemon will be shortly presented. The following chapters will deal with the establishment of the UShegemony by creating international regimes such as IMF, IBRD and GATT. Finally, the end of the paper will explain how the American hegemony declined and which role it plays in the present international economy. 1 Reinhard Rode. Weltregieren durch Internationale Wirtschaftsorganisationen. Halle, 2001: 24.

In this book, Arturo Santa-Cruz advances an understanding of power as a social relationship and applies it consistently to the economic realm in United States relations with other countries of the Western Hemisphere. Following the academic and popular debate on the ebb and flow of US hegemony, this work centers the analysis in a critical case for the exercise of US power through its economic statecraft: the Americas—its historical zone of influence. The rationale for the regional focus is methodological: if it can be shown that Washington's sway has decreased in the area since the early 1970s, when the discussion about this matter started, it can be safely assumed that the same has occurred in other latitudes. The analysis focuses on three regions: North America, Central America and South America. Since each region contains countries that have at times maintained very different relationships with the United States, the findings contribute to a better understanding of the practice of US power in the sub-region in question, adding greater variability to the overall results. US Hegemony and the Americas: Power and Economic Statecraft in International Relations is an invaluable resource for students and scholars interested in Latin American History and Politics, North American Regional Integration, International Relations, Economic Statecraft, Political Economy and Comparative Politics.

This book investigates the hegemony of the USA by examining the Obama, Trump and Biden administrations’ responses to major global crises. Combining a Gramscian framework with the main features of complexity theory it provides a comprehensive account of the systemic crisis of the hegemonic order of the United States in security, environmental, and economic issue-areas. By examining key case studies, the author reveals that the hegemonic responses of the US were confronted by overt challenges, including emerging state and non-state actors, globally complex transnational flows, and a combative domestic political climate which undermined the United States’ role in multilateral institutions no longer fit for purpose. This book will be of interest to general readers as well as scholars and students of US foreign policy, global politics, and Gramscian theory.

From Menem’s new Thatcherite experiment in Argentina, through Fujimori’s unexpected victory in Peru, to Collor’s near defeat at the hands of the rapidly growing Workers’ Party of Brazil, Latin American politics is once again in turmoil. Whilst military dictators have been dumped from office, their liberal and populist replacements have found television exposure and playboy reputations insufficient to hold together societies still remorselessly squeezed insufficient to hold together societies still remorselessly squeezed by United States foreign policy. But US influence in the subcontinent is not only under siege from the impoverished masses of increasingly unstable states; it is also threatened by intensifying superpower competition as Japan and a unifying Europe mount their challenges for world dominance. In this wide-ranging and original polemic, Petras and Morley examine the social structures which emerged from neo-liberal economic policy during the 1970s and 1980s. they show how Latin American society is increasingly organized around a continental bourgeoisie maintaining high levels of foreign investment, a national bourgeoisie operating on the margins of legality and committed to both economic deregulation and public-sector activity, and a growing class of low-paid and poorly employed workers subject to the demands of export-oriented capital into international financial circuits is matched by technical and intellectual integration, with a collapse into conformity of formerly critical groupings. For students and the interested general reader, this balanced and rigorous analysis of state power and social form provides a substantial new framework in which to consider the exigent questions of US-Latin American relations.

Between 1973 and 1980, the cost of crude oil rose suddenly and dramatically, precipitating convulsions in international politics. Conventional wisdom holds that international capital markets adjusted automatically and remarkably well: enormous amounts of money flowed into oil-rich states, and efficient markets then placed that new money in cash-poor Third World economies. David Spiro has followed the money trail, and the story he tells contradicts the accepted beliefs. Most of the sudden flush of new oil wealth didn't go to poor oil-importing countries around the globe. Instead, the United States made a deal with Saudi Arabia to sell it U.S. securities in secret, a deal resulting in a substantial portion of Saudi assets being held by the U.S. government. With this arrangement, the U.S. government violated its agreements with allies in the developed world. Spiro argues that American policymakers took this action to prop up otherwise intolerable levels of U.S. public debt. In effect, recycled OPEC wealth subsidized the debt-happy policies of the U.S. government as well as the debt-happy consumption of its citizenry.

Dr Stephen Gill examines the extent and nature of Americas as a hegemonic state.