In addition to offering an original analysis of the party system and Alberta's political structures and institutions, Democracy in Alberta presents a fascinating micro-history of the social and economic characteristics of Alberta.

During the last decade, Alberta municipalities have endured hardships they have not faced since the Great Depression. Changes in the province's political structures appear to have been made primarily to transfer a greater share of the costs of local government to the municipalities, yet surprisingly few municipal politicians have resisted the province's financial policies.

In Democracy in Alberta: The Theory and Practice of a Quasi-Party System, published in 1953, C. B. Macpherson explored the nature of democracy in a province that was dominated by a single class of producers. At the time, Macpherson was talking about Alberta farmers, but today the province can still be seen as a one-industry economy—the 1947 discovery of oil in Leduc having inaugurated a new era. For all practical purposes, the oil-rich jurisdiction of Alberta also remains a one-party state. Not only has there been little opposition to a government that has been in power for over forty years, but Alberta ranks behind other provinces in terms of voter turnout, while also boasting some of the lowest scores on a variety of social welfare indicators. The contributors to Alberta Oil and the Decline of Democracy critically assess the political peculiarities of Alberta and the impact of the government’s relationship to the oil industry on the lives of the province’s most vulnerable citizens. They also examine the public policy environment and the entrenchment of neoliberal political ideology in the province. In probing the relationship between oil dependency and democracy in the context of an industrialized nation, Alberta Oil and the Decline of Democracy offers a crucial test of the “oil inhibits democracy” thesis that has hitherto been advanced in relation to oil-producing countries in the Global South. If reliance on oil production appears to undermine democratic participation and governance in Alberta, then what does the Alberta case suggest for the future of democracy in industrialized nations such as the United States and Australia, which are now in the process of exploiting their own substantial shale oil reserves? The environmental consequences of oil production have, for example, been the subject of much attention. Little is likely to change, however, if citizens of oil-rich countries cannot effectively intervene to influence government policy.

Alberta's politics are changing in response to powerful economic, social and political forces. The contributors focus on developments since the election of the Progressive Conservatives in 1971.

From the optimism associated with provincial status in 1905, through the trials of Depression and war, the boom times of the post-war period, and the economic vagaries of the 1980s and the 1990s, the twentieth century was a time of growth and hardship, development and change, for Alberta and its people. And during the century, twelve men, from a variety of political parties and from very different backgrounds, led the government of this province. The names of some--like William Aberhart, Ernest Manning, and Peter Lougheed--are still household names, while others--like Arthur Sifton, Herbert Greenfield and Richard Reid--have been all but forgotten. Yet each in his unique way, for better or for worse, helped to mould and steer the destiny of the province he governed. These are their stories.

International in scope, this is an unprecedented compilation of current theories and perspectives on women and leadership issues in schools at all levels.

By examining Social Credit's anti-Semitic propaganda and the reaction of the Canadian Jewish Congress, Stingel details their mutual antagonism and explores why Congress was unable to stop Social Credit's blatant defamation. She argues that Congress's ineffective response was part of a broader problem in which passivity and a belief in "quiet diplomacy" undermined many of its efforts to combat intolerance. Stingel shows that both Social Credit and Congress changed considerably in the post-war period, as Social Credit abandoned its anti-Semitic trappings and Congress gradually adopted an assertive and pugnacious public relations philosophy that made it a champion of human rights in Canada. Social Discredit offers a fresh perspective on both the Social Credit movement and the Canadian Jewish Congress, substantively revising Social Credit historiography and providing a valuable addition to Canadian Jewish studies.

Compared to the United States, it is assumed that religion has not been a significant factor in Canada’s political development. In God’s Province, Clark Banack challenges this assumption, showing that, in Alberta, religious motivation has played a vital role in shaping its political trajectory. For Henry Wise Wood, president of the United Farmers of Alberta from 1916 until 1931, William "Bible Bill" Aberhart, founder of the Alberta Social Credit Party and premier from 1935 until 1943, Aberhart’s protégé Ernest Manning, Alberta’s longest serving premier (1943–1968), and Manning’s son Preston, founder of the Alberta-based federal Reform Party of Canada, religion was central to their thinking about human agency, the purpose of politics, the role of the state, the nature of the economy, and the proper duties of citizens. Drawing on substantial archival research and in-depth interviews, God’s Province highlights the strong link that exists between the religiously inspired political thought and action of these formative leaders, the US evangelical Protestant tradition from which they drew, and the emergence of an individualistic, populist, and anti-statist sentiment in Alberta that is largely unfamiliar to the rest of Canada. Covering nearly a century of Alberta’s history, Banack offers an illuminating reconsideration of the political thought of these leaders, the goals of the movements they led, and the roots of Alberta’s distinctiveness within Canada. A fusion of religious history, intellectual history, and political thought, God’s Province exposes the ways in which individual politicians have shaped one province’s political culture.

Based primarily on mail surveys of voters, political scientists Stewart (U. of Alberta) and Archer (U. of Calgary) took the opportunity of the 1992 Progressive Conservative, the 1994 NDP, and the 1994 Liberal leadership elections to observe the internal workings of Canadian political parties and the people who stand between the politicians and the electorate. Their study comes in the midst of intense criticism of the delegate conventions that most parties had used to choose leaders, and the shift to a form of universal balloting that allows all party members to vote directly for their leader. Canadian card order number: C00-910498-4. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR