Campaigning for president in 1980, Ronald Reagan told stories of Cadillac-driving "welfare queens" and "strapping young bucks" buying T-bone steaks with food stamps. In trumpeting these tales of welfare run amok, Reagan never needed to mention race, because he was blowing a dog whistle: sending a message about racial minorities inaudible on one level, but clearly heard on another. In doing so, he tapped into a long political tradition that started with George Wallace and Richard Nixon, and is more relevant than ever in the age of the Tea Party and the first black president. In Dog Whistle Politics, Ian Haney L?pez offers a sweeping account of how politicians and plutocrats deploy veiled racial appeals to persuade white voters to support policies that favor the extremely rich yet threaten their own interests. Dog whistle appeals generate middle-class enthusiasm for political candidates who promise to crack down on crime, curb undocumented immigration, and protect the heartland against Islamic infiltration, but ultimately vote to slash taxes for the rich, give corporations regulatory control over industry and financial markets, and aggressively curtail social services. White voters, convinced by powerful interests that minorities are their true enemies, fail to see the connection between the political agendas they support and the surging wealth inequality that takes an increasing toll on their lives. The tactic continues at full force, with the Republican Party using racial provocations to drum up enthusiasm for weakening unions and public pensions, defunding public schools, and opposing health care reform. Rejecting any simple story of malevolent and obvious racism, Haney L?pez links as never before the two central themes that dominate American politics today: the decline of the middle class and the Republican Party's increasing reliance on white voters. Dog Whistle Politics will generate a lively and much-needed debate about how racial politics has destabilized the American middle class-white and nonwhite members alike.

A sweeping account of how 'dog-whistle' racial politics contributed to increasing inequality in America since the 1960s

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book. Sample Book Insights: #1 George Wallace, the governor of Alabama, was a racial moderate before he was elected in 1963. But after his inauguration, he became a segregationist. #2 In the 1950s, many Southern politicians began to shift to the right on race, as the pressure of black equality began to destabilize the political culture of white supremacy. #3 Wallace realized that he could exploit the widespread animosity towards blacks. He began speaking about states’ rights and federal overreach, and his supporters began sending him congratulatory telegrams across the country. #4 Wallace ran for president as a third-party candidate in 1964, and then again in 1968, 1972, and 1976. He was quick to adopt and use racial demagoguery.

This volume traces the roots of the constructivist turn in the distinct (and competing) traditions of Continental and Anglo-American Western political thought. Divided into three thematic parts, these 13 newly commissioned essays develop the constructivist turn as a central concept. They advance the insight that there can be no democratic politics without representation; constituencies or groups exist as agents of democratic politics only insofar as they are represented.

This book seeks to address the relation of political philosophy and Donald Trump as a political phenomenon through the notions of patriotism, cosmopolitanism, and civic virtue. Political philosophers have been prescient in explaining trends that may explain our political misgivings. Madison warned during the debates on the Constitution that democracies are vulnerable to factions based on passion for personalities and beliefs; various continental thinkers have addressed the problem of nihilism—the modern loss of faith in objective standards of truth and morality—that in Max Weber’s analysis pointed to the importance of charisma, in Carl Schmitt’s to the idea that politics is essentially rooted in the definition of friends and enemies, and in early Heidegger resulted in the emphasis on the enduring significance of local, rather than cosmopolitan values. The former concerns—regarding demagoguery, charisma and nihilism—will enable an evaluation of Trump as a political character, while the latter concerns—regarding the status of universal versus local values—will enable us to evaluate the content of “Trumpism.” Taken together, these essays seek to advance the public conversation about the relationship between the rise of Trump and the ideological forces that seek to justify that rise.

Polemic Paper from the year 2020 in the subject Sociology - Religion, grade: 1.0, Kwame Nkrumah University, course: Religion and Politics, language: English, abstract: This paper examines the underlying motive why Zambia’s ruling Party, Patriotic Front (PF) sponsored amending the Zambia Constitution through the now defunct Bill 10. Amidst a raft of sixteen amendments to the Constitution, was a Trojan Horse meant to give the President more power? The opposing United Party for National Development (UNPD) smelled a rat. Coming close to the 2021 General Elections it was feared that Bill 10 would allow the incumbent to run for an unconstitutional Third Term. This essay argues that the real master stroke, which the opposition must have unmasked was to present the Constitution amendment in the manner of the Emperor’s new suit — a wolf in the sheep’s clothing of Zambia as a Christian Nation. Objective number one of Bill 10 is listed as, to “revise the Preamble in order to reaffirm the Christian character of Zambia.” Right there was the Trojan Horse in plain sight which since 29 December 1991 has been used to pull the wool over the Zambian people. The Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops has been opposed to this declaration from its inception, precisely for one main reason: its potential to abuse religion for nefarious political ends when religion meets politics. Thankfully, Bill 10 is now dead, but is it really buried?

What is political marketing and how does it work? This question sits at the heart of this book. Using the British General Election of 2005 as a case study, this collection focuses on three important elements: the products offered by the parties; the campaign communication; and the perceptions, reactions and attitudes of the voters.