John Ruggie introduced the concept of embedded liberalism in a 1982 article that has become one of the most frequently cited sources in the study of international political economy. The concept was intended to convey the manner by which capitalist countries learned to combine the efficiency of markets with the broader values of the community that socially sustainable markets themselves require in order to survive and thrive. Examining the concept and the institutionalized practice of embedded liberalism, this collection provides a survey of the macro patterns in industrialized countries. Leading scholars combine to demonstrate the benefits of embedded liberalism in practice as well as its gradual erosion at national levels, and to analyze public opinion. They provide a better understanding of what embedded liberalism means, why it matters and how to reconstitute it in the context of the global economy. The contributors contextualize the current challenge historically and theoretically so that students, scholars and policy makers alike are reminded of what is at stake and what is required.

Focusing on the development of justificatory discourse on global governance, Steffek examines how differing conceptions of distributive and social justice have played a role in negotiations in the domains of security, economics, and protecting the environment.

This authoritative Research Handbook brings together leading international scholars and practitioners to provide in-depth analysis of some of the most hotly debated topics and issues concerning the interface of human rights and business. Offering critical insights on prominent strands of research within the field of business and human rights, this comprehensive Research Handbook examines key challenges and potential solutions in the field.

Sungjoon Cho critiques the conventional contract model of the WTO and proposes an alternative notion of 'community'.

Many years ago, John Gerard Ruggie coined the phrase "embedded liberalism" to describe the grand post-1945 political compromise between free-market liberalism and domestic political interventionism that stabilized the multilateral economic order. In Global Liberalism and Political Order, leading scholars of political economy and international relations assess the challenges facing today's increasingly interdependent world as globalization redefines the old political order. They address the unraveling and/or reinvention of a grand compromise in global governance from a variety of theoretical perspectives and issue areas, including trade, finance, networked governance, North-South relations, and the environment. Focusing on the foundations of political authority at the global level, the contributors imagine the implications of success or failure for international economic order and political stability. Ruggie, whose work inspired many of this book's scholars, contributes a chapter on the prospects for a new global—as opposed to international—grand bargain.

Since the beginning of China's phenomenal rise in the international system, our knowledge of the country has grown rapidly. But those who have debated the China issue in policy circles mostly focus on the implications of China’s rise, often without a firm understanding of why the country is rising in the first place. Using an analytical framework which links China’s domestic political economy order and the global system, this book helps us to understand China’s rise and the China model more clearly. Indeed, unlike most other works that study the China model as a domestic political economy issue, it adopts an explicit international comparative perspective, comparing the Chinese model to others, such as the Washington Consensus and the Japan model. This comparison allows us to break down different components of the China model, and to show that while the Chinese Communist Party leadership part of the model is unique, other components such as export-led growth strategy or packaged aid programs are not. By focusing on the root cause of China's rise - namely the loop between the evolving China model and an evolving global governance structure – this book reveals the degree of compatibility between the country’s profit-driven domestic political economy system and the post-war global economic order, and in turn how and why China has been able to rise in the global system. The China Model and Global Political Economy makes a key contribution to theories of international relations, state development and modernization, and as such will appeal to students and scholars of Chinese politics, Chinese foreign policy, international political economy, development studies and international relations.

This book explores tensions in global trade by examining the role of experts in generating, disseminating and legitimating knowledge about the possibilities of trade to work for global development. To this end, contributors assess authoritative claims on knowledge. They also consider structural features that uphold trade experts' monopoly over knowledge, such as expert language and legal and economic expertise. The chapters collectively explore the tensions between actors who seek to effect change and those who work to uphold the status quo, exacerbate asymmetries, and reinforce the dominant narrative of the global trade regime. The book addresses the following key overarching research questions: Who is considered to be a trade expert and how does one become a knowledge producer in global trade? How do experts acquire, disseminate and legitimate knowledge? What agendas are advanced by expert knowledge? How does the discourse generated within trade expertise serve to close off alternative institutional pathways and modes of thinking? What potential exists for the emergence of more emancipatory global trade policies from contemporary developments in the field of trade expertise? This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of IPE, Trade Politics, International Relations, and International Organizations.

Private Organisation in Global Politics is a groundbreaking study which brings together a broad range of case-studies to examine the role and character of private organisations in the process of political globalization. Focusing on areas such as human rights organisations, the international women's movement and the combating of disease, the panel of expert contributors investigate the function of these in relation to governance in the globalizing world.

The global rise of neoliberalism since the 1970s is widely seen as a dynamic originating in the United States and the United Kingdom, and only belatedly and partially repeated by Germany. From this Anglocentric perspective, Germany's emergence at the forefront of neoliberal reforms in the eurozone is perplexing, and tends to be attributed to the same forces conventionally associated with the Anglo-American pioneers. This book challenges this ruling narrative conceptually and empirically. It recasts the genesis of neoliberalism as a process driven by a plenitude of actors, ideas, and interests. And it lays bare the pragmatic reasoning and counterintuitive choices of German crisis managers that are obscured by this master story. Drawing on extensive original archival research, this book argues that German officials did not intentionally set out to promote neoliberal change. Instead they were more intent on preserving Germany's export markets and competitiveness in order to stabilize the domestic compact between capital and labor. Nevertheless, the series of measures German policy elites took to manage the end of golden-age capitalism promoted neoliberal transformation in crucial respects: it destabilized the Bretton Woods system; it undermined socialist and social democratic responses to the crisis in Europe; it frustrated an internationally coordinated Keynesian reflation of the world economy; and ultimately it helped push the US into the Volcker interest-rate shock that inaugurated the attack on welfare and labor under Reagan and Thatcher. From this vantage point, the book illuminates the very different rationale behind the painful reforms German state managers have demanded of their indebted eurozone partners.

Examining the idea of the return, reconstitution and redeployment of the public domain in a post-Seattle, post-Washington consensus world order, this forward-looking book examines the need to rethink the tenants of global free trade.