In Europeanism the author attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. He argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. Opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes toward the state (including a rejection of state-based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).

The dynamics of transatlantic relations in the twenty-first century have been shaped by an American preference for the exercise of its considerable 'hard power' capabilities while Europeans have preferred to draw upon the considerable 'soft power' resources that have grown from their enviable internal processes of integration. These diverging power preferences have differential impacts on the management of Atlantic security, economic, and social and cultural relations. The contributors, long-time observers and analysts of the Atlantic partnership, debate how problematic security relations are likely to continue to be, discuss how successfully economic affairs will be managed, and examine the continuing frictions in domestic politics of social and cultural matters that should be manageable if both European and American leaders work actively and responsibly to encourage policy convergence.

Over the last two decades, the process of European integration has become interwoven with the theme of citizenship and the debate on the democratic quality of the EU and of its institutions has become more salient. What are the views about Europe which emerge when we interrogate the national elites of the four large South European countries, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and what is their vision of a supra-national citizenship in its different facets? Are these views sufficiently homogeneous and do they distinguish themselves from those of the rest of the European Union to the point of enabling us to talk about a "distinctive region of Europe"? Which interpretation(s) of European citizenship emerges from a systematic exploration of these opinions? Using a set of survey and textual data collected in the framework of the IntUne project, the authors attempt to provide some original answers to these questions. This book was published as a special issue of South European Society and Politics.

No survey can capture the breadth and depth of the anti-Americanism that has swept Europe in recent years. From ultraconservative Bavarian grandmothers to thirty-year-old socialist activists in Greece, from globalization opponents to corporate executives--Europeans are joining in an ever louder chorus of disdain for America. For the first time, anti-Americanism has become a European lingua franca. In this sweeping and provocative look at the history of European aversion to America, Andrei Markovits argues that understanding the ubiquity of anti-Americanism since September 11, 2001, requires an appreciation of such sentiments among European elites going back at least to July 4, 1776. While George W. Bush's policies have catapulted anti-Americanism into overdrive, particularly in Western Europe, Markovits argues that this loathing has long been driven not by what America does, but by what it is. Focusing on seven Western European countries big and small, he shows how antipathies toward things American embrace aspects of everyday life--such as sports, language, work, education, media, health, and law--that remain far from the purview of the Bush administration's policies. Aggravating Europeans' antipathies toward America is their alleged helplessness in the face of an Americanization that they view as inexorably befalling them. More troubling, Markovits argues, is that this anti-Americanism has cultivated a new strain of anti-Semitism. Above all, he shows that while Europeans are far apart in terms of their everyday lives and shared experiences, their not being American provides them with a powerful common identity--one that elites have already begun to harness in their quest to construct a unified Europe to rival America.

The period between 1917 and 1957, starting with the birth of the USSR and the American intervention in the First World War and ending with the Treaty of Rome, is of the utmost importance for contextualizing and understanding the intellectual origins of the European Community. During this time of 'crisis,' many contemporaries, especially intellectuals, felt they faced a momentous decision which could bring about a radically different future. The understanding of what Europe was and what it should be was questioned in a profound way, forcing Europeans to react. The idea of a specifically European unity finally became, at least for some, a feasible project, not only to avoid another war but to avoid the destruction of the idea of European unity. This volume reassesses the relationship between ideas of Europe and the European project and reconsiders the impact of long and short-term political transformations on assumptions about the continent's scope, nature, role and significance.

In the wake of the Iraq war, the term Old Europe was appropriated by politicians, civil society and social movement actors alike to rally in defence of supposedly social and civilized values against the perceived predatory forces of American finance. Against Old Europe sheds light on the social movement politics encapsulated in the protest slogan 'Fight Old Europe'. Within what is broadly labelled the global justice movement, it explores a particular, radical perspective that warns against the identification with European values by movements resisting neoliberalism. Exploring the work of key theorists critical of globalization, including Habermas, Negri, Holloway, Postone and de Benoist, the book examines critical theory approaches to alter-globalization, illustrated with concrete examples of movements within contemporary Europe. In so doing, it invites readers to explore the charges of nationalism, anti-Americanism and antisemitism brought against parts of the alter-globalization movement. Providing a new perspective on critiques of globalization, Against Old Europe will appeal to sociologists and social and political theorists studying social movements, anti-globalization activism and European politics and identity.

This book, first published in 1990, examines the relationship between the Soviet Union and the Western Alliance at a time of great changes. Experts on a range of topics analyse the relationship from both the Soviet perspective (the impact of Gorbachev, and the role of Eastern Europe), and from the standpoint of the nations of the West including France, Great Britain and West Germany). Also included is a discussion of the role of the northern flank in Soviet nuclear-free proposals. The book concludes with an assessment of the challenges posed by the changing Soviet perspective, and the opportunities that these present for the Western Alliance.

This important book provides an analysis of the economic relationship between Britain and the EU and discusses the future direction in which this relationship might develop. It examines the historic and contemporary costs and benefits of EU membership, and assesses whether this has been a burden or a benefit for the British economy. In addition the authors assess current trends and developments, most notably in the area of participation in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the consequences that this would have. Questions of fiscal federalism, the development of a minimum level of social policy for Europe, together with the likely impact on business and trade unions are also considered. The authors then discuss potential future scenarios, including a more flexible loose membership arrangement or complete withdrawal, and the affect that a range of options might have on the British economy.

The monograph `The Future of the European Union' as well as the publication that precedes it `European Integration: Conditions, Essence and Consequences’ have been compiled as part of the project `Quo vadis Unio? a racja stanu Polski' under the DIALOG research programme between 2019 and 2023. It is the result of contributions by Europeanists, political scientists, lawyers, economists, cultural scholars and historians who study the issues of European integration. The content presented in both publications reflects the research outcomes and views of the individual authors. The first of these publications was designed as an attempt to summarise the integration process to date and its legal and institutional dimension, which is the contemporary European Union. The publication ‘The Future of the European Union’ consists of five parts: `The Concepts of Reforms of the European Union', `The Future Modernisation of the Institutional System of the European Union', `Selected EU Policies – Future Prospects', `The European Union – the External Determinants of Further Development', `The Perspectives on the Theoretical Dimension of European Studies'. We hope that the issues raised in this monograph will be of interest to potential readers, especially academics and students interested in European integration issues. Insight into these issues may also be useful to government officials and NGO activists, as well as to a wide audience interested in European issues. These objectives may be more achievable after reading both of these monographs dedicated to European integration issues.

The Yearbook of Transnational History is dedicated to disseminating pioneering research in the field of transnational history. This second volume provides readers with articles on topics such as transnational marriages, exile, soccer, and missionaries as well as on the campaigns in Communist countries for freeing the American civil-rights activist Angela Davis. These articles highlight the movement of ideas, people, policies, and practices across various cultures and societies and explore the relations, connections, and spaces created by these movements. The articles in this volume explore interconnected historical phenomena in Asia, North and South America, and Europe from the late seventeenth century to the late twentieth century. These articles make clear that historical phenomena such as soccer and exile cannot be contained and explained within just one national setting. This volume also offers a theoretical article that provides insights into the concept of intercultural transfer studies and its relationship to comparative and global history. and an article that surveys the state of research in the field of transnational crime.