The essays in this volume argue that the Bush Doctrine, as outlined in the September 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States, squandered enormous military and economic resources, diminished American power, and undermined America’s moral reputation as a defender of democratic values and human rights. The Bush Doctrine misguidedly assumed that the United States was a superpower, a unique unipolar power that could compel others to accede to its preferences for world order. In reality the United States is a formidable but besieged global power, one of a handful of nations that could influence but certainly not dictate world events. The flawed doctrine has led to failed policies that extend America’s reach beyond its grasp, most painfully evident in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Leading scholars and policy analysts from nine countries assess the impact of the Bush Doctrine on world order, explain how the United States reached its current low standing internationally, and propose ways that the country can repair the untold damage wrought by ill-conceived and incompetently executed security and foreign policies. Contributors focus on the principal regions of the world where they have expertise: Asia, Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and Russia. The contributors agree that future security and foreign policies must be informed by the limitations of U.S. economic, cultural, and military power to shape world order to reflect American interests and values. American power and influence will increase only when the United States binds itself to moral norms, legal strictures, and political accords in cooperation with other like-minded states and peoples.

The collapse of US global hegemony means that the future of global relations will be defined by an integrated and mutually co-operative world order of regions in which there are multiple centres of power. These centres will continue to mature under the ideology of 'regionalism' and through the long historical process of 'regionalization'.

As a writer, Philip D. Beidler has often drawn on his combat experience in Vietnam and his deep engagement with American popular culture. His essays tap these sources in powerful, truth-telling ways. In American Wars, American Peace, another voice emerges, distinct yet also tied to Beidler’s wartime memories and his love of literature, film, and music. It is the voice of one of the “baby-boom progeny of the ‘Greatest Generation’ who at home and abroad became the foot soldiers” not just in Vietnam but in the Peace Corps, the civil rights movement, the women’s movement, and beyond. Beidler has experienced enough of history to question “the kinds of peace that one empire after another has tried to impose on the world at whatever immense costs.” As he reflects on terrorism, patriotism, geopolitics, sacrifice, propaganda, and more, Beidler revisits his generation’s “inherited vision of national purpose”--and he asks what happened. These essays are a sobering wake-up call for even the most informed and conscientious citizen.

The classic text on the conduct of American foreign policy, Hook and Spanier's book has long set the standard in guiding students through the complexities of the field. With each edition, the authors find that new developments in foreign policy conform to the book's enduring theme-that there is an American "style" of foreign policy imbued with a distinct sense of national exceptionalism. Giving students the historical context they need, the book allows them to truly grasp the functions and frequent dysfunctions of the nation's foreign policy agenda. Thoroughly updated, this nineteenth edition's noteworthy revisions include: Comprehensive coverage of the most recent developments in world politics, including the "Arab Spring," the global debt crisis, and the rise of China as a major world power; Extensive treatment of the gradual U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, its ongoing war in Afghanistan, military operations in Pakistan, the takedown of Osama bin Laden, and the new U.S.-Russian START treaty; Exhaustive coverage of foreign policy under President Barack Obama and its connection to domestic politics, including: Obama's efforts to revive U.S. credibility abroad, to wield soft power along with military muscle, and to extricate the U.S. from Iraq and Afghanistan; and Coverage of new scholarly findings and policy debates that offers new insights on the Korean and Vietnam Wars, the Reagan "revolution," the end of the Cold War, and the U.S. response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Book jacket.

Kanet discusses Russia's return as a super power and examines the global implications.

Introduction Russia in Eurasia: External Players and Regional Dynamics-- M.R.Freire & R.E.Kanet PART I: THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE GREATER CASPIAN BASIAN Russia and the CIS Region: The Russian Regional Security Complex-- B.Nygren International Rivalries in Eurasia-- S.Blank Eurasia at the Heart of Russian Politics: Dynamics of (In)Dependence in a Complex Setting-- M.R.Freire PART II: EXTERNAL POWERS, RUSSIA AND EURASIA Russia and the Greater Caspian Basin: Withstanding the U.S. Challenge-- R.E.Kanet Competing for Eurasia: Russian and European Union Perspectives-- S.Fernandes & L.Simao Russia and China in Eurasia: The Wary Partnership-- J.Berryman India and Central Asia-- A.D.Gupta Eurasia between Russia, Turkey and Iran-- M.Mesbahi PART III: INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND NON-STATE ACTORS, RUSSIA AND EURASIA Senseless Dreams and Small Steps: The CIS and CSTO Between Integration and Cooperation-- R.Sakwa The Atlantic Alliance in Eurasia: A Different Player?-- A.Priego Intergovernmental Organisations and Non-State Actors, Russia and Eurasia: The OSCE-- P.T.Hopmann Strategic Resources, Strategic Players: The Role of National versus International Oil Companies in Post-Soviet Eurasia-- H.Kjarnet Conclusion-- M.R.Freire.

Introduction: Russian Foreign Policy in the 21st Century-- R.E.Kanet History, Russia and the West, and Cold Wars-- P.Shearman Aims and Means in Russian Foreign Policy-- I.Oldberg Russian Modernization Pathways: Foreign Policy Implications-- G.Herd Assessing Russia's 'Soft Power' in a Globalising World-- V.Rukavishnikov Russia and Georgia: From Confrontation to War. What is Next?-- B.Nygren EU as Peace Mediator in Georgia: Success or Failure?-- T.Forsberg Russia's new 'Monroe Doctrine'-- M.Skak Russia, Central Asia and the Caucasus after the Georgia Conflict-- C.E.Ziegler Medvedev's 'Fourteen Points': Russia's Proposal for a New European Security Architecture-- N.Lomagin From the 'New World Order' to 'Resetting Relations': Two Decades of U.S.-Russian Relations-- R.E.Kanet Russia, NATO Enlargement, and 'Regions of Privileged Interests'-- J.Berryman Revising the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy: The Eastern Partnership and Russia-- J.DeBardeleben EU, Russia, Energy: Cooperation or Conflict?-- S.Nies Conclusion-- R.E.Kanet.

First published in 1952, the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (anthropology, economics, political science, and sociology) is well established as a major bibliographic reference for students, researchers and librarians in the social sciences worldwide. Key features: * Authority: Rigorous standards are applied to make the IBSS the most authoritative selective bibliography ever produced. Articles and books are selected on merit by some of the world's most expert librarians and academics. * Breadth: Today the IBSS covers over 2000 journals - more than any other comparable resource. The latest monograph publications are also included. * International Coverage: The IBSS reviews scholarship published in over thirty languages, including publications from Eastern Europe and the developing world. * User friendly organization: all non-English titles are word sections. Extensive author, subject and place name indexes are provided in both English and French.

As the Obama administration took office, Russo-American relations were generally acknowledged to be at an impasse. Arms control issues feature prominently in that conflicted agenda. The Bush administration allowed the bilateral civil nuclear treaty with Russia to die in the Senate rather than go forward for confirmation. Russian spokesmen make clear their belief that American concessions on key elements of arms control issues like missile defenses in Europe are a touchstone for the relationship and a condition of any further progress towards genuine dialogue. Since the outbreak of the Russo-Georgian war in August 2008, both sides have further hardened positions. Arms control and disarmament issues are quintessentially political as well as military issues that are among the most critical components of the bilateral relationship and regional security in both Europe and Asia. For these reasons, neither the political nor the military aspect can be divorced from the other.--P. v.