Following the passage of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, the date of the next general election has been fixed by statute for 7 May 2015. Greater certainty about the date of the next general election has created a unique opportunity to consider how best this final year can be spent, and the Committee has heard that there is scope both to enhance the quality of public policy debate, and also to better prepare for the next Parliament. Key recommendations are: that this final year be used by the Government, Parliament and political parties to consider some of the long-term issues that will need to be addressed in the next Parliament; arrangements for pre-election contacts between the Civil Service and Opposition be formalised and authorised automatically in the final year of a Parliament, and that the Cabinet Manual should be updated to that effect; that parties work to develop a consensus, before the next general election, on how party policy could most effectively be costed ahead of future general elections - this would improve both policy formation and debate ahead of a general election. Achieving this will require active engagement from the Government, parliamentarians and political parties, and the Committee hopes they will all appreciate the potential for a constructive year ahead of the next general election, and support the recommendations.

The Political and Constitutional Reform Select Committee was established in June 2010 to consider political and constitutional reform. Over the last five years the Committee has scrutinised the Government's substantial programme of political and constitutional reform - which included fixing the term of a Parliament, bringing forward proposals for recalling MPs, establishing a register of third party lobbyists and implementing Individual Electoral Registration. The establishment of a dedicated select committee to consider these matters has brought additional parliamentary scrutiny to a substantial part of the Government's programme. Should the next Government plan to take forward constitutional reform, a select committee be established to examine the Government's proposals, to keep the progress of any political and constitutional reform under regular review, and to continue the work this Committee has undertaken. The Committee has also highlighted the extent to which it has engaged the public with it's work through consultations and increased use of social media, online surveys and informal events. This public engagement is one of it's greatest innovations, and something which it encourages other committees to adopt in the future

The Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 fundamentally changed the way in which reviews of parliamentary constituencies boundaries are conducted. The new rule requiring the electorate of all but four constituencies to be within 5% of the UK average number of electors for a constituency meant that the Boundary Commissions were unable to give adequate consideration to other factors. Although there is a case for the electorates of parliamentary constituencies to be more equal than is the case at present, the Boundary Commissions must be able to take a balanced approach to various considerations-including reflecting local ties and limiting disruption to existing constituencies. If no action is taken, the next boundary review will commence in early 2016. It is recommended that the rules be changed-including relaxing the 5% rule and reversing the reduction of the number of parliamentary constituencies to 600-ahead of the next boundary review. To achieve this, the next Government should make a statement no later than June 2015 on its policy on the rules for the distribution of parliamentary constituencies. This statement should respond to the recommendations set out in this report. The Government should in July 2015 publish a draft Bill for pre-legislative scrutiny and introduce a Bill in the autumn of 2015 to receive Royal Assent by early 2016.

This report is part of the Committee's ongoing work on a codified constitution for the UK. It discusses the constitutional role of the judiciary if there were a codified constitution. If the UK were to move towards a codified constitution, one way of addressing the question of what powers the judiciary should have if they held a piece of legislation to be unconstitutional, would be to introduce the concept of a "declaration of unconstitutionality". This could work in the same way as the declaration of incompatibility used under section 4 of the Human Rights Act 1998 for situations in which UK legislation is held to be incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights. Furthermore, if the UK were to adopt a codified constitution, there would be no need for a separate constitutional court. The Supreme Court could adjudicate on constitutional matters. It would be understandable if the judiciary were unwilling to comment on the contents of a codified constitution, but it would be important to find a way of hearing their views on the implications of the proposals once the general structure of the constitution had been agreed. If necessary, some of the discussion could take place under Chatham House rules. Retired members of the judiciary would also be likely to feel freer to offer their opinions than those still serving as judges

Since its first edition in 1985, The Changing Constitution has cemented its reputation for providing concise, scholarly and thought-provoking essays on the key issues surrounding the UK's constitutional development, and the current debates around reform. The eight edition of this highly successful volume is published at a time of accelerated constitutional change. This collection of essays brings together fourteen expert contributors to offer an invaluable source of material and analysis for all students of constitutional law and politics. Online Resource Centre This book is accompanied by an Online Resource Centre which includes updates on key developments, a 'library' of web links, and a timeline of key dates in British legal and political history.

Many of the Prime Minister's powers are obscure "prerogative" powers, which are not well understood or defined. More of these prerogative powers should be codified in statute to make them more transparent and increase accountability to Parliament. Government should also consider consolidating the existing Prime Ministerial powers in one place - the way the role has evolved means there is no single and authoritative source of information on the powers. There is widespread agreement that the Prime Minister's role has increased in recent decades-including in policy making. Coalition government has to some extent constrained the powers of the Prime Minister but this might not persist under single-party government. The need for support by a majority of Members of Parliament and the Cabinet acts as a check and balance on the Prime Minister. However, these political mechanisms are not effective on a "day-to-day" basis. The Liaison Committee has the potential to be a very effective mechanism for Parliament to hold the Prime Minster to account, and should continue to improve the way it works. The Government should consider a role for Parliament in the investiture of the Prime Minister, or the Government, after a general election. Some consider that accountability of the Prime Minister would be strengthened by direct election by the public, US style. The Government could also consider the creation of a combined Department for the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, with a departmental Select Committee specifically to scrutinise that Department

The essential verdict on Britain's first coalition government since the Second World War delivered by an unrivalled team of experts.

Following the Committee's interim report on voter engagement (HCP 323, ISBN 9780215078773), which was published in November 2014, and the substantial public consultation which ran subsequently, the Committee has now brought forward this final report on reengaging the public with elections in the UK. The Committee's key recommendations are: (1) That the Government bring forward plans to target those groups - including young people, British citizens living overseas and people with disabilities - who are currently least likely to be registered to vote; (2) That the Government consider improvements to electoral registration - including making registration automatic, prompting people to register to vote when they access other public services, and registering young people in schools, colleges and universities; (3) That changes to electoral arrangements - including online voting, registering closer to or on Election Day and holding elections at the weekend - be piloted in the next Parliament with a view to making permanent changes to electoral arrangements ahead of the 2020 general election. The Committee recognises that the main reasons for low levels of voter engagement are political, and serious action needs to be taken by political parties, individual politicians and the Government to engage more effectively with the public, and convince them of the value of voting if the public is to be re-engaged not just with elections, but politics more broadly.