As Mubarak's regimenearing its end becomes a strong possibility, many pressures, both foreign and domestic, are coming to bear on Egypt to bring democratic reforms to this struggling country. In The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt , Alaa Al-Din Arafat studies this new era and the obstacles that must be overcome.

As Mubarak's regimenearing its end becomes a strong possibility, many pressures, both foreign and domestic, are coming to bear on Egypt to bring democratic reforms to this struggling country. In The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt , Alaa Al-Din Arafat studies this new era and the obstacles that must be overcome.

As Mubarak's regime nearing its end becomes a strong possibility, many pressures, both foreign and domestic, are coming to bear on Egypt to bring democratic reforms to this struggling country. In The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt, Alaa Al-Din Arafat studies this new era and the obstacles that must be overcome.

This work explains elite behaviour in authoritarian systems and proposes why elites withdraw their support for the incumbent when faced with popular uprisings. Building upon foundations drawn from institutional authoritarianism and synthesised with local context from the substantial scholarship on the Middle East and North Africa, the book argues that the elite supporting autocrats come from three distinct cadres: the military, the single-party and the personalist. Each of these cadres possesses its own distinct institutional interests and preferences towards regime change. Drawing on these interests, the study constructs a theoretical framework that is assessed through testing it against three variables. Utilising an analytic narrative, the research finds that the withdrawal of elite support is the consequence of long-term processes that see distinct cadres marginalised. First, increased incumbent preference for personalist elements destabilises regimes as the military and single-party cadres reconsider their positions. Second, neoliberal economic policies, implemented via structural adjustment, accelerated this personalisation as the state’s withdrawal from the economy. This, in turn, affected the ability of the military and single-party elites to access patronage. Finally, the degree of military involvement in the formal political sphere contributes to shaping the nature of the system that replaced the incumbent regime under examination. Building upon a wide range of literature the book argues that interest realisation determines whether or not elite actors support regime change in authoritarian systems. The volume will be of interest to scholars researching politics, social sciences and the Middle East.

This book addresses issues surrounding the evolution of the Arab Spring in North Africa. After a general introduction and explanation of the events on a region-wide basis, it turns to examine aspects of each of the countries concerned. The role of the Muslim Brotherhood during the Nasser regime and in the contemporary situation is compared, together with an analysis of the emergence of new political parties in Egypt. The book analyses the links between social media and satellite television during the revolution in Egypt. This is followed by a study of the intellectual and cultural background to the Tunisian revolution and an analysis of the new political parties in Tunisia. It also looks at the revolution process in Libya and concludes with a study of why there was no revolution in Algeria and how the Moroccan monarchy was able to sideline those who challenged it at the price of constitutional changes that are essentially cosmetic. This book was originally published as a special issue of The Journal of North African Studies.

After the assassination of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat in 1981, the Egyptian people were skeptical of his vice president and successor, Hosni Mubarak. When he assumed office, Mubarak already faced opposition from many sectors of the Egyptian population

The liberatory sentiment that stoked the Arab Spring and saw the ousting of long-time Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak seems a distant memory. Democratically elected president Mohammad Morsi lasted only a year before he was forced from power to be replaced by precisely the kind of authoritarianism protestors had been railing against in January 2011. Paradoxically, this turn of events was encouraged by the same liberal activists and intelligentsia who’d pushed for progressive reform under Mubarak. This volume analyses how such a key contingent of Egyptian liberals came to develop outright illiberal tendencies. Interdisciplinary in scope, it brings together experts in Middle East studies, political science, philosophy, Islamic studies and law to address the failure of Egyptian liberalism in a holistic manner – from liberalism’s relationship with the state, to its role in cultivating civil society, to the role of Islam and secularism in the cultivation of liberalism. A work of impeccable scholarly rigour, Egypt and the Contradictions of Liberalism reveals the contemporary ramifications of the state of liberalism in Egypt.

The State of Israel; Its Friends and Enemies. Prophetic Future This is an indispensable work telling us all we need to know on several matters. Discusses various issues succinctly summarizing different schools of thought with their pros and cons. What are the Wars of Gog and Magog? What will cause them? Which forces will be involved? Who and what is the Messiah and the Messianic Age? Will there be a physical Resurrection of the Dead? How old is the earth? Were there humanoid-type beings before us? Jewish and non-Jewish scholarship on all issues is quoted and compared. The author then brings his own opinion and the reasons for it. Whether you are a full-time researcher in this field or just an interested layman you will find in this work information and points of interest of great value. Zephyr is not afraid to face controversy. He brings sources and argues well with passion, eloquence, and conviction. He has carried out a work of serious scholarship with nerve and passion. The writers interest and thirst for knowledge concerning his theme comes bursting through on every page. Today most of the World unjustly goes against the Jews. Anti - Semitism, hatred and racism have reached unprecedented levels. The very survival of the Jewish state of Israel is at stake. All people of good will, who believe in the Bible as the Sacred Word of the Almighty, should make a choice and stand firmly on the side of Israel. That is what God wants them to do. In turn, they will save themselves and help God to advance His Divine Plan for the World-to-Come, which would be absolutely impossible if Israel did not exist. And I will bless them that bless you, and curse him that curses you: and in you (i.e. Israel) shall all families of the earth be blessed (Genesis 12:3).

Egyptian Foreign Policy from Mubarak to Morsi explores an area rarely touched upon by researchers, the relationship between regime security and the national interest. Concentrating on Egyptian foreign policy under President Hosni Mubarak, this book analyses how it was used to bolster his internal hold on power. In considering Egyptian foreign policy, two central case studies are examined. Firstly, Egypt’s reluctance to re-establish diplomatic ties with Iran, and secondly, Egypt’s response to the efforts of the Bush administration in promoting political reform in the Middle East. When examining these case studies the impact of different societal factors on decision-making is taken into consideration, highlighting the role of business groups and the security apparatus in foreign policy decision-making. Concluding with a discussion of Egypt's foreign policy in the first year of Mohamed Morsi's rule, and arguing that it has departed little from Mubarak's policy, this book is a vital resource for anyone interested in contemporary Egyptian politics, Middle East Studies and International Relations more broadly.

This title provides a succinct, readable, and comprehensive treatment of how the Obama administration reacted to what was arguably the most difficult foreign policy challenge of its eight years in office: the Arab Spring. As a prelude to examining how the United States reacted to the first wave of the Arab Spring in the 21st century, this book begins with an examination of how the U.S. reacted to revolution in the 19th and 20th centuries and a summary of how foreign policy is made. Each revolution in the Arab Spring (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen) and the Obama administration's action—or inaction—in response is carefully analyzed. The U.S.' role is compared to that of regional powers, such as Turkey, Israel, and Iran. The impact of U.S. abdication in the face of pivotal events in the region is the subject of the book's conclusion. While other treatments have addressed how the Arab Spring revolutions have affected the individual countries where these revolutions took place, U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, and President Barack Obama's overall foreign policy, this is the only work that provides a comprehensive examination of both the Arab Spring revolutions themselves and the reaction of the U.S. government to those revolutions.