This book is a broad-ranging argument for thorough reforms at home and abroad in Nigeria as the only antidote to the nation-building dilemmas Nigeria confronts in the first quarter of the twenty-first century. Because of its enormous material and human endowments, Nigeria is dubbed the “Giant of Africa.” It is a moniker many of its leaders take seriously. Yet, Nigeria is a state rife with instability, some of it periodically erupting into violence. Given still-ongoing national security challenges in the land that notoriously includes a bloody religion-oriented terrorism, the Fourth Republic since 1999, the longest period of continuous democratic rule since independence—key to the timeline of this book—has not been insulated from the spell of instability. The main argument of this work is that internationally agreed-upon ethical standards embedded in human rights can save Nigeria. This book is a methodologically and theoretically-grounded, seminal discourse on Nigerian foreign relations that spells out the human rights or lack thereof in those relations, including underlying and impinging domestic forces. This work is set around six issues of application embedded in a temple of Nigeria’s human rights foreign policy, comprising two steps and four pillars: reconstructed national interest, increased human rights at home, redesigned peacekeeping, reshaped foreign policy machinery, increased bilateralism in foreign relations, and the use of ECOWAS as human rights tool. Although focused on the period since independence, for proper understanding of events from the past that shape the current patterns of politics in the land, this book also embodies a historical background chapter that overviews the pre-colonial and colonial eras.

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the 71 percent of Nigerias population still living below the poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness worse civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in the future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use. There is this perception that Nigerians dont write and read. This perception is deep-seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Dr. Dan Mou has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well-researched and detailed books. It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State (Agbo Agbo, deputy editor, The Nation). Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements (Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, first justice of Abuja High Court and former dean, faculty of law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria). Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent. As an educationist myself, before I became a traditional ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions. I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed . . . that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa would be able to solve most of these challenges (HRH Alh. Dr. Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwalis Palace, Abuja, Nigeria).

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigerias population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.

Failed and fragile states often govern through the criminalization of otherwise inconsequential or tolerated acts. These weak states also frequently use kidnapping, murder, and other violent or oppressive tactics to maintain order and stay in power. State Fragility Around the World: Fractured Justice and Fierce Reprisal analyzes the path to state f

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