The 2015 edition of the White Paper on Human Rights in North Korea marks the 20th year of the series since its first publication in 1996. This White Paper is based on in-depth interviews with 221 of the 1,396 North Koreans who escaped to South Korea in 2014. These samples were selected with their demographic characteristics and social backgrounds taken into account. Below are the key highlights of the survey: In its national report for the Universal Periodic Review submitted to the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council on January 30, 2014, North Korea explained that death penalty is applied to extremely restricted cases. In reality, however, North Korea has an extensive list of crimes punishable by the death penalty, defined not just by the Criminal Law but also by its Addendum; the death penalty may also be imposed by promulgations, instructions and other alternative formats. North Korean defectors, who have witnessed the death penalty carried out in public, have provided testimony that it has actually been given for a wide range of crimes. Of special note is that over the last few years, the number of people put to death for watching/distributing South Korean video recordings or smuggling/trafficking narcotics is on a remarkable rise. This was widely observed in our 2014 survey, too. Human rights violations in ordinary prison camps (kyohwaso), labor training camps (rodongdanryundae), holding centers (jipkyulso), detention centers, political prison camps (kwanliso), and other detention facilities are still known to be serious. Inhumane treatment including torture and beatings are part of the daily routine; nutrition, medical care, and hygiene are also very poor. In our 2014 survey, however, some interviewees suggested that the human rights conditions in ordinary prison camps (kyohwaso) were improving somewhat. North Korean defector XXX, who was held for a long time at the Jongori kyohwaso, where a massive number of violent incidents and human rights violations reportedly took place, explained that beatings at the kyohwaso was on the decrease. North Korean defector XXX, who had been detained at the Jongori kyohwaso until recently, said that strenuous effort was being made to bring fatal incidents under control as the reality of the human rights infringements at the kyohwaso were known to the outside world through former inmates. Meanwhile, the 2014 survey results include testimonies on those released from political prison camps (kwanliso) in 2012 and 2013 —after Kim Jong-un took over as the new leader of North Korea. Witnesses explained that their release was “based on Kim Jong-un’s policy that those who have one percent of a conscience are given a second chance despite 99 percent of their faults”; and that “these people were released as Kim Jong-un, upon taking office, told those whose crimes were motivated by personal grievance, as opposed to criticism of the state, should be freed, which is within the context of his politics of law.” Similar cases can be found in North Korea’s On-site Open Trials System, too. Testimonies from North Korean defectors show that, when On-site Open Trials were conducted for a large number of people held for the same charge, some of them are executed immediately in public as “examples” while others are found innocent and released, allegedly due to Kim Jong-un’s consideration or policy. While unleashing a reign of terror against the power elites, the young leader seems to be seeking to present himself to ordinary citizens as a leader who loves the people. Nonetheless, the very fact that these measures are possible shows his policies and instructions have supra-legal authority in North Korea. A typical infringement on freedom of residence, the practice of forced deportation is still found to be widespread. North Korean defector XXX testified that in 2013, during his on-site instructions in Musan, Kim Jong-un ordered transformation of the city boundaries into an exemplary area. This led to the forced deportation of more than 600 households living within 300 meters of the city boundaries. Such massive involuntary relocation was enforced primarily upon family members of illegal border crossers or those with criminal records (such as illegal use of a mobile phone). A number of testimonies also suggested that forced deportation has been on the increase since mid-2013 in Samjiyon County, within which is the hometown of Kim Jong-il. In particular, those whose parents are from rural areas, former detainees at ordinary prison camps (kyohwaso) and their family members, and illegal border crossers are first to be relocated. According to the 2014 survey results, little progress has been made in improving North Koreans’ rights to food and health. When it comes to the right to food, the total volume of food available has increased since 2010, but North Korea’s discriminatory distribution policies has led to continued discrepancy among ordinary citizens in their access to food. Collection of excessive amounts of produce from farm workers, in particular, has undermined their right to food on a continuous basis. This seems partly attributable to the assignment of unrealistically high production quota and the falsification of distribution documents. Excluded from the Public Distribution System (PDS), marginalized members of North Korean society tap into money offered by loan sharks to deal with the scarcity, ending up suffering even more. In the 2014 survey, however, a large number of interviewees said the public distribution supply has temporarily improved since 2012 as North Korean authorities released military provisions. As for the right to health, the uneven distribution of resources as a result of economic hardship and military-first politics has destroyed the medical system as a whole. The absolute lack of medicine and basic medical equipment has continued, while some interviewees pointed out in the 2014 survey that an increasing amount of medicine was being provided by Jungsung Pharmaceuticals. Meanwhile, as the North’s free treatment system is not working properly, patients in need of surgery often end up paying for the related costs for themselves. The military ranks are also seeing their right to health deteriorating: Some interviewees stated that the military was also short on medicine, and not just civil society. The community doctor system and other mechanisms of preventive medicine propagandized by the North Korean authorities are not functioning properly. Community doctors are currently incapable of treating patients and can only issue medical certificates; they are known to work primarily on vaccinations (such as preventive injections against epidemics). A large number of interviewees in the 2014 survey said that vaccination was being offered. Vaccination seems to be improving efforts to prevent disease. Areas receiving aid from the UN and other international actors also enjoy relatively better medical treatment. Despite many constraints and the resulting shortcomings, we hope that this White Paper will draw more attention at home and abroad to the issue of human rights in North Korean while contributing to domestic and international discussion and action on improving the situation.

The White Paper on Human Rights in North Korea 2017 aims to increase awareness on North Korean human rights issues in Korea as well as abroad by providing the basic materials required for related discussions and activities. Also, this White Paper comprehensively and systematically analyzes the human rights situation in North Korea and North Korean human rights issues. This White Paper bases its views of the human rights situation of the North Korean people on the framework of international human rights standards. As is well known, North Korea is a State Party to major international human rights treaties. To identify the extent to which the individual rights recognized in each treaty are guaranteed, we first reviewed the relevant laws and regulations of North Korea and examined the related realities. Such analysis is meaningful in that we can identify the level of compliance by North Korea in the laws and regulations it has enacted on its own as well as the degree to which it has fulfilled its international obligations as a State Party to these treaties. Summary ChapterⅠ Purpose for Publication and Research Methodology 1 Purpose for Publication 2 Research Methodology ChapterⅡ The Reality of Civil and Political Rights 1 Right to Life 2 Right to Not Receive Torture or Inhumane Treatment 3 Right to Not be Forced into Labor 4 Right to Liberty and Security of Person 5 Right to Humane Treatment in Detention 6 Right to Freedom of Movement and Residence 7 Right to a Fair Trial 8 Right to Privacy 9 Right to Freedom of Ideology, Conscience and Religion 10 Right to Freedom of Expression 11 Right to Freedom of Assembly and Association 12 Right to Political Participation 13 Right to Equality ChapterⅢ The Reality of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1 Right to Food 2 Right to Health 3 Right to Work 4 Right to Education 5 Right to Social Security ChapterⅣ Vulnerable Groups 1 Women 2 Children 3 Persons with Disabilities ChapterⅤ Major Issues 1 Political Prison Camps (Kwanliso) 2 Corruption 3 Overseas Defectors 4 Overseas Workers 5 Separated Families, Abductees and Korean War POWs

The Korea Institute for National Unification has annually published the White Paper on Human Rights in North Korea since 1996 to raise awareness on North Korean human rights issues at home and abroad, and provide basic materials by objectively surveying and analyzing the North Korean human rights situation. The White Paper on Human Rights in North Korea 2019 incorporates information from in-depth interviews with 135 North Korean defectors who had stayed in North Korea until most recently before entering South Korea. These interviewees were selected with consideration to their demographic and social backgrounds. This White Paper 2019 looks into human rights situations in the North in the following parts: the Reality of Civil and Political Rights, the Reality of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, Vulnerable Groups, and Major Issues.

North Korea’s public distribution system has been maintained somewhat perfunctorily since its severe economic hardship in the 1990s. However in reality, rationing to the working class has been suspended, or made through state-owned enterprises. Even the mid-to-lower elite class has not been able to receive rations from the state in a normal manner. As a result, North Korea’s planned economy has not been functioning properly since the Arduous March. At the same time, illegal and antisocialist activities have become widespread, since people seek subsistence in markets. From the center to rural areas, and from the top elite to the mid-to-lower elite class, corruption, such as the accumulation of personal benefits and wealth through abnormal activities, has been rampant in North Korea

Jiyoung Song explains how North Korea has understood the concepts of human rights in its public documents since the independence in 1945 from Japan after 36 years’ colonial rule. Through active campaigns and international criticism, foreign governments and non-governmental organisations outside North Korea have been publishing numerous allegations on North Korean human rights violations. On the other hand, the efforts to engage with North Korea in order to improve the human rights situation through humanitarian assistance and to understand how North Koreans interpret human rights are often overshadowed by “naming and shaming” and “push-until-it-collapses” approaches. Dr Song gives thought-provoking and highly debatable accounts for the historically post-colonial, politically Marxist and culturally Confucian elements of North Korean rights thinking. She does this by closely reading and analysing collected works of Kim Il Sung (previous leader) and Kim Jong Il (current leader and Kim Il Sung’s son), North Korea’s official newspaper, Rodong Sinmun, and others monthly party magazines as well as by interviewing North Korean defectors and diplomats in South Korea, China and Europe.