This book is the Singapore Lecture that was delivered by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on 9 April 2002 ...

This study brings together Asian and Asia-based experts of international relations and U.S. foreign policy to present diverse Asian views about preferred modes of U.S. engagement in the region and compare their views with U.S. interests in the region-a prerequisite exercise to truly multilateral regional security governance. With the rise of Chinese power in absolute and relative terms over the next decades as a key driving factor of the international relations in the Asia Pacific, the United States has announced its "Rebalance to Asia" (previously referred as "Pivot to Asia") strategy. Asian responses, perceptions, and even interpretations of the U.S. strategy have been diverse. Misconceptions of the U.S. strategy can be attributed to the built-in contradictions among its objectives, deliberate ambiguities left by the architects of the strategy, mismatch between the stated strategy and actual policy implementations during the last three years, and subjective reading by the Asian countries through the lens of their own interests. This book will illuminate the diversity of Asian responses and perceptions and analyze the underlying reasons of the diversity. The overarching framework of analysis for this book is the very dilemma of alliances-abandonment and entrapment-which "hedging" aims at evading. "Abandonment" fear is primarily of the junior partner of an alliance that its senior partner may not come to its aid in crisis. Meanwhile, "entrapment" fear works both ways. The United States may drag its allies into its conflict against a third party, but U.S. allies may also drag the United States into their regional conflicts in which the United States has no direct or significant stake. The Asian choices of their strategic responses to the U.S. Rebalancing will be described and analyzed through the lens of the perceived balance between the abandonment and entrapment fears as well as other historical and domestic factors unique to each Asian country. The reading of the U.S. strategy by Asian countries is a subjective matter, and their interests likely influence their analysis and consequently strategies. It is not the aim of this volume to establish well defined "cause-and-effect" chain between the U.S. strategy and Asian strategies, but thick descriptions have enabled some chapter authors to identify reciprocal relations between the two. While China's growth is the most important driver of the changing strategic landscape in the Asia Pacific and the new U.S. strategy, the new U.S. strategy inevitably influence the Chinese strategy, which in turn triggers a chain reaction of strategic revisions in Asian countries. This book is essential reading for scholars in Asian politics, U.S. foreign policy, international relations as well as for policy makers.

This book provides a comprehensive assessment of India's international relations in the Asia Pacific region. It charts the development of India's increasingly important role as a major world power, discusses India's international relations strategy and examines India's relationship with each of the major countries of East and Southeast Asia.

Zusammenfassung: This book investigates India-ASEAN partnership and their overlapping perspective on the Indo-Pacific region and big powers' contestation and competition in this region providing specific nuances and newer insights. It is policy-oriented and examines the confluence of ASEAN's Outlook for Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI). It brings out various contemporary geopolitical drivers that highlight the hidden complementarities and gaps in India-ASEAN multi-sectoral connectivity and its future. The book provides a balanced assessment of evolving trends, undergirded by theoretical debates and empirical analyses with diverse sub-regional and country perspectives of the intersection between the potential for regional convergence, domestic capacity issues, and security interests. It is thus of immense use for thinktanks and media commentators, policy makers, and researchers of Indo-Pacific & Asian affairs, international relations, and China-US relations, interested in evolving contours of Indo-Pacific geopolitics. Swaran Singh is a professor in Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi). He is president of Association of Asia Scholars, director India for Washington-based The Millennium Project's South Asia Foresight Network, Fellow of Canadian Global Affairs Institute (Calgary), Member of Governing Body of Society of Indian Ocean Studies (New Delhi) and formerly visiting professor in department of political science, University of British Columbia (Vancouver), Australian National University (Canberra), Science Po (Bordeaux), University of the Philippines (Manila) and several other universities across China and other parts of Asia. He has supervised 40 PhDs and 50 MPhil degrees and sits on various selection committee and editorial/advisory boards of prestigious journals. He is a well published author and regularly for CGTN and other radio and television discussion. Reena Marwah is a professor in Jesus and Mary College, Delhi University. She is the recipient of several national and international fellowships including the McNamara Fellowship of the World Bank, Asia fellowship of the Asian Scholarship Foundation and the ICSSR Senior Fellowship. She has been a Consultant for the World Bank and UN Women. She is the founding editor of Millennial Asia, a quarterly Scopus journal on Asian Studies of the Association of Asia Scholars. She has published over twenty books and several research papers and articles in national and international journals

A new concept of `Indo-Pacific` has entered into the geopolitical discourse and the lexicon of International Relations. There is no unanimity of views on the definition of the emerging concept of Indo-Pacific. Yet, Indo-Pacific region as a new geopolitical concept appears to have come to stay. Three major developments have taken place in recent years leading to emergence of the concept of `Indo-Pacific` that does not replace but subsumes the geopolitical construct, hitherto known as the `Asia-Pacific`. The newest development, of course, is the rise of India as an economic powerhouse and influential political actor in world affairs, particularly in Asian affairs. Second most important development is China`s assertive foreign policy and use of military strength to assert its sovereignty on disputed islands in the South China Sea. The third important development is erosion of self-confidence of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that used to display its image as a triumphant political grouping in a region, despite diversity in terms of political system, economic philosophy, religious beliefs and socio-cultural traditions. The present book is a by-product of two days of intense deliberations among large number of scholars on various issues and challenges faced by the countries of the Indo-Pacific region. The book includes the perspectives of major powers in the Indo-Pacific, analyses critical regional security issues, such as sovereignty issues in South China Sea, the rise of QUAD, role of soft power, challenges to ASEAN centrality and regionalism, and examines the non-traditional security threats, such as terrorism, nuclear proliferation, environmental degradation, drugs trafficking and health hazards.

India has espoused the notion of building 'South-South' relations with other developing countries in recent years. The ASEAN countries, in particular, have come to play an important part in India's trade and policy considerations over the last decade. This book argues that India is responding strongly to the growth of the Asia-Pacific region which is now of elevated importance in India's strategic and foreign policy calculations. India and Southeast Asia provides a close contextual analysis of India's interests and perceptions in the region during the 40 years of independence, putting it in the context of India's broad strategic and foreign policy framework, including an analysis of superpower relations and involvement. It argues that New Delhi now sees the future of Southeast Asia as closely linked to its own.

Canada and India are in many ways natural partners-two middle powers sharing a common political and legal tradition derived from the British Commonwelath, as well as a commitment to multiculturalism, democracy adn international institutions. India's founding Prime Minsiter Jawaharlal nehry had a personal friendship with Canadian Prime Ministers Trudeau and Pearson. Despite this promising start, bilateral relations never took flight-a functiona of Cold War politics, India's relative isolation through much of the post-indepenendence period, the enormous distance between the two countries, and , deep disagreements over India's testing of nuclear weapons in 1974 and 1998. By the start of the new millennium, India and Canada were ready to embark on a new phase in bilateral relations-one defined not only by trade and investment interests, but also by a contemporary understanding of their standing in the world, and the potential contribution that both countries can make to issues of regional and global significance.

India's relations with ASEAN has surpassed the original contours of the Look East policy. ASEAN has been used by India as a springboard to reach out into the wider Asia-Pacific region. India's early diplomatic initiatives and the various steps through which she graduated to the Summit level with ASEAN are thoroughly analysed in this book. Association with the ASEAN has enabled India to gain accessto several regional and multilateral forums such as the ARF, East Asia Summit and ASEM. The interaction with ASEAN has fuelled greater dynamism to India's regional multilateralism in contrast to that by SAARC. Summit status with ASEAN (ASEAN Plus One) has enlarged India's involvement in many sectors, not just economic and political, of the member countries. The India-ASEAN Partnership Agreement (2004) laid out a broad canvass of inter sectoral engagement between the parties. The book discusses the potentialities and limitations of the cooperative areas chartered by the Partnership. This book is an exercise, by regional specialists, in assessing the different dimensions of India-ASEAN relations. As Asia-Pacific has become the foci of great power involvement, one cannot ignore the relevance of such involvement to the India-ASEAN relations. Included is, India's relations with the individual countries, ASEAN's affiliated bodies as well as the impact on India of great power relations, e.g. China. Just as India's rapid engagement with ASEAN is a matter of concern to the regional powers, New Delhi too would have equal reason to take cognizance of the role and relevance of other powers in ASEAN. The book attempts to deviate from an economic-centric treatment of the India-ASEAN engagement. While trade and investment no doubt had been a core objective of the Look East drive into Southeast Asia, the strategic dimension was not a secondary objective. Geo-politics, like geo-economics, as much was the driving force behind India's Eastern drive. The bilateral and regional geo-political aspects of the bourgeoning Indian involvement in the Asia-Pacific are debated at length. India and ASEAN is a serious attempt to view the Indian engagement with ASEAN from the perspective of academia, diplomats, policy-makers, regional and country specialists. The critical essays carried by this book offer valuable inputs to scholars interested in looking at India's Look East policy from either side of the Straits of Malacca.

There is a growing dialogue between India and Southeast Asia. From a marginal relationship during the Cold War days to the participation of India at the East Asia summit in December 2005 has been a long journey. In the context of the geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific in the post-September 11 period, the security dimension between India and Southeast Asia cannot be overemphasized. With the continued U.S. preponderance in the region and Chinas phenomenal rise, the countries of Southeast Asia and India have an opportunity to evolve a co-operative relationship not only with one another, but also with the major powers of the region. This book examines the areas of comprehensive security and the growing understanding between India and Southeast Asia where there is less divergence and greater convergence. The author argues that India-Southeast Asia security convergence is not and should not be aimed at any particular country. On an optimistic note he concludes that such convergence will contribute to creating harmony among the major powers of Asia to make the twenty-first century the ""Asian century"".