With a view that behavioralism has distorted perceptions of black political activity, Hanes Walton, Jr., here reformulates the assumptions of behavioralism to arrive at a more realistic understanding of the political actions of black Americans. Considering the cultural and historical events that have shaped black lives, Walton examines voting patterns, socialization, and the development of political opinion. his analysis of leadership includes not only legislative and judicial leaders, but also leaders of those organizations so influential in black political culture: civil rights, churches, and grassroots organizations. Whether he looks at how local politics have changed through the years of civil rights action or how blacks’ ideas on foreign policy have developed, Walton provides a long-needed reassessment of the role of black participation in American politics.

This book is a policy-review piece. It strives to review some long-standing and herculean issues of concerns within the United States and around the world. It attempts a realistic second look into a few of the delicate and hellacious questions of governance that nations around the world are currently confronted with in this dispensation. It puts special focus on the realistic examination of some of the difficult choices the United States has made under president Donald Trumps administration. More important is the responsibility to pragmatically recritic some of the policy decisions made, which hosts of oppositions have considered murderous going by the various campaigns and reactions against such stance. The book is no doubt a narrative of concerns for the future of America and, indeed, the global world. It, among other topics, looks into matters of security, international relations and/or international politics, religion, and insurgency and critically attempts a commonsensical discussion on the major problem of immigration and migration. These are among the major issues that have created a lot of brouhaha and hullabaloo within the polity in recent times, especially considering the hardnose disposition of the forty-fifth president of the United States on these matters. In sincere loyalty to truism, this book strives in its analysis to sever itself from the popular mistakes of placing individual benefits above the sociosecurity risks and the future of a nation.

In Counterfeit Politics, David Kelman reassesses the political significance of conspiracy theory. Traditionally, political theory has sought to banish the “paranoid style” from the “proper” domain of politics. But if conspiracy theory lies outside the sphere of legitimate politics, why do these narratives continue to haunt political life? Counterfeit Politics accounts for the seemingly ineradicable nature of conspiracy theory by arguing that all political statements ultimately take the form of conspiracy theory. Through careful readings of works by Ernest Hemingway, Ricardo Piglia, Thomas Pynchon, Don DeLillo, Jorge Luis Borges, Ishmael Reed, Jorge Volpi, Rigoberta Menchú, and Ángel Rama, Kelman demonstrates that conspiracy narratives bear witness to an illegitimate or “counterfeit” secret that cannot be fully recognized, understood, and controlled. Even though the secret is not authorized to speak, this “silence” is nevertheless precisely what gives the secret its force. Kelmangoes on to suggest that all political statements—even those that do not seem “paranoid”—are constitutively illegitimate or counterfeit, since they always narrate this unresolved play of legitimacy between an official or authorized plot and an unofficial or unauthorized plot (a “complot”). In short, Counterfeit Politics argues that politics only takes place as “conspiracy theory.”

The struggle for civil rights among black Americans has moved into the voting booth. How such a shift came about--and what it means--is revealed in this timely reflection on black presidential politics in recent years. Since 1984, largely as a result of Jesse Jackson's presidential bid, blacks have been galvanized politically. Drawing on a substantial national survey of black voters, Katherine Tate shows how this process manifested itself at the polls in 1984 and 1988. In an analysis of the black presidential vote by region, income, age, and gender, she is able to identify unique aspects of the black experience as they shape political behavior, and to answer long-standing questions about that behavior. How, for instance, does the rise of conservatism among blacks influence their voting patterns? Is class more powerful than race in determining voting? And what is the value of the notion of a black political party? In the 1990s, Tate suggests, black organizations will continue to stress civil rights over economic development for one clear, compelling reason: Republican resistance to addressing black needs. In this, and in the friction engendered by affirmative action, she finds an explanation for the slackening of black voting. Tate does not, however, see blacks abandoning the political game. Instead, she predicts their continued search for leaders who prefer the ballot box to other kinds of protest, and for men and women who can deliver political programs of racial equality. Unique in its focus on the black electorate, this study illuminates a little understood and tremendously significant aspect of American politics. It will benefit those who wish to understand better the subtle interplay of race and politics, at the voting booth and beyond.

In this rich and broad-ranging volume, Giovanni Sartori outlines what is now recognised to be the most comprehensive and authoritative approach to the classification of party systems. He also offers an extensive review of the concept and rationale of the political party, and develops a sharp critique of various spatial models of party competition. This is political science at its best – combining the intelligent use of theory with sophisticated analytic arguments, and grounding all of this on a substantial cross-national empirical base. Parties and Party Systems is one of the classics of postwar political science, and is now established as the foremost work in its field.

Boston Politics: The Creativity of Power.

Hanes Walton Jr. (1941-2013) was a pioneering and prolific scholar of African American politics, and the architect of the modern scientific study of the subject.The first person to earn a PhD in political science from Howard University, Walton devoted his career to laying the intellectual foundations in his writings, and lobbying for the establishment of black politics as a subfield in political science. This study comprehensively analyses Walton’s corpus, while providing a history of the development of the study of black politics in political science. It concludes with an analysis of how the subfield has evolved since Walton’s pioneering work.

The godfather of the global mafia (Rockefeller) indicated that he and other globalists are relying on "the right major crisis and the nations will accept the New World Order." Moreover, the renowned globalist and Obama's advisor Strobe Talbott said, "In the next century (21st), nations as we know it will be obsolete; all states will recognize a single, global authority. National sovereignty wasn't such a great idea after all." And James Paul Warburg said, "We shall have World Government, whether or not we like it. The only question is whether World Government will be achieved by consent or conquest." Who are America's true enemies? How are they operating inside America? How are they plotting to destroy America's democracy and sovereignty? Robert F. Kennedy Jr., on April 1, 2024, told CNN, "I can make the argument that President Biden is a much worse threat to democracy" (than Trump). Again, Robert, on April 2, 2024, told Fox News, "President Biden has done something no other president has done, which is to order media, particularly social media, Facebook, Instagram, to censor his political opponent. President Biden is a much worse threat to democracy, and the reason for that is President Biden is the first candidate in history, the first president in history that has used the federal agencies to censor political speech, to censor his opponent." And he added that Biden is "a genuine threat to our democracy." Keep in mind that Robert K. is a liberal Democrat. Former president Barack Obama and his wife "Michael" are using their Netflix Predictive Programming movie "Leave the World Behind" to reveal how he and the global gang intend to put the US government under a global dictatorship. Their ploy includes "A simple three-stage maneuver that could topple a country's government from within." That "country's government" is no other, but the US government which will be the real "target" for "a coup d'etat" and civil war. The first maneuver to destroy America is "Isolation." By that, they mean disabling the sectors of "communication and transportation...making the target as deaf, dumb and paralyzed as possible." The second maneuver consists of creating a "synchronized chaos...to terrorize" the American people "with covert attacks and misinformation, overwhelming their defense capabilities, and leaving their weapon system vulnerable to extremists and their own military. Without a clear enemy or motive, people would start turning on each other. If done successfully, the third stage would happen on its own." The Obama Netflix civil war movie describes the globalists' plot to create "the right major crisis" that they have envisioned to establish a global government. The plot seems to include "widespread use of state terrorism" to attack America from within with tens of thousands of radical Muslim terrorists that are already in America. The goal is to topple the US government, declare martial law, change the Constitution, and put the country under a global tyranny. I am using this book to show that Obama and Biden have been working in league with the evil global mafia to cement America's transition from democracy to dictatorship. Also, this book shows the globalists' plot for world government; and the man with the call and vision to lead it: Barack H. Obama--the biblical Antichrist and awaited Mahdi of Islam. Therefore, Americans have a critical choice to make: choose Obama's radicalized democrat gang and you will destroy America's democracy and sovereignty. Choose Donald Trump and you will empower the man called to defeat the enemies of humanity and tyranny. Trump is the man destined to vindicate God's name and restore America to its rightful place--before God takes His people in the rapture.

How the definition, production, and leveraging of information are shaped by caste, class, and gender, and the implications for development. Information, says Janaki Srinivasan, has fundamentally reshaped development discourse and practice. In this study, she examines the history of the idea of “information” and its political implications for poverty alleviation. She presents three cases in India—the circulation of price information in a fish market in Kerala, government information in information kiosks operated by a nonprofit in Puducherry, and a political campaign demanding a right to information in Rajasthan—to explore three uses of information to support goals of social change. Countering claims that information is naturally and universally empowering, Srinivasan shows how the definition, production, and leveraging of information are shaped by caste, class, and gender. Srinivasan draws on archival and ethnographic research to challenge the idea of information as objective and factual. Using the concept of an “information order,” she examines how the meaning and value of information reflect the social relations in which it is embedded. She asks why casting information as a tool of development and solution to poverty appeals to actors across the political spectrum. She also shows how the power to label some things information and others not is at least as significant as the capacity to subsequently produce, access, and leverage information. The more faith we place in what information can do, she cautions, the less attention we pay to its political lives and to the role of specific social structures, individual agency, and material form in the defining, production, and use of that information.

Political Magic examines early modern British fictions of exploration and colonialism, arguing that narratives of intercultural contact reimagine ideas of sovereignty and popular power. These fictions reveal aspects of political thought in this period that official discourse typically shunted aside, particularly the political status of the commoner, whose “liberty” was often proclaimed even as it was undermined both in theory and in practice. Like the Hobbesian sovereign, the colonist appears to the colonized as a giver of rules who remains unruly. At the heart of many texts are moments of savage wonder, provoked by European displays of technological prowess. In particular, the trope of the first gunshot articulates an origin of consent and political legitimacy in colonial showmanship. Yet as manifestations of force held in abeyance, these technologies also signal the ultimate reliance of sovereigns on extreme violence as the lessthan-mystical foundation of their authority. By examining works by Cavendish, Defoe, Behn, Swift, and Haywood in conjunction with contemporary political writing and travelogues, Political Magic locates a subterranean discourse of sovereignty in the century after Hobbes, finding surprising affinities between the government of “savages” and of Britons.