Osman Bahadır Dinçer is a Turkish researcher studying on Middle East and Political Science with particular reference to social and political movements, political development and democratization in the Middle East.Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been one of the main issues of the Middle Eastern political agenda. The Israeli-Palestinian issue is a complex matter as it comprises of many disputed issues. The status of Jerusalem, condition of the Palestinian refugees, and Jewish settlements problems as well as many other disagreements pose an obstacle against the Peace Process which is of vital importance for the stability of the Middle East. Each of these issues needs special attention in the path going through to the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process. Jewish Settlements stands as one of the main handicaps against an agreement between Israel and Palestine. 1967 onwards, Israeli state keeps on constructing settlements in the occupied territories and even expand its borders via this policy. In this regard, the settlement issue is more than being just a barrier to peace but a key to success in the peace negotiations in case of its resolution. However, despite the both parties to the dispute are aware of this, Israel does not seem so willing to give up settlement policy. Although it declares settlement freeze decisions from time to time, nonstop construction of outposts continues. The article, in this respect, aims to provide a historical overview of the Jewish settlements policy and its impacts on the Palestinian and Peace Process.

Tracing presidential administrations since Lyndon B. Johnson, this book argues that the Trump administration's policy toward Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem is not an aberration but the culmination of over 50 years of American foreign policy. Under the Johnson administration, the United States rhetorically supported the applicability of international law regarding Israeli settlements. However, throughout the 1970s, administrations did little to reverse the construction and expansion of settlements. Moreover, presidents sent mixed signals regarding Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories. The Israeli settlement movement received support when Reagan argued that settlements were not illegal. Since then, American presidents have opposed settlement activity to various degrees, but not based on their illegality. Rather, presidents have described them as unwise, unhelpful, or obstacles to peace. Even when presidents have had opportunities to confront Israeli settlements directly, domestic pressure and America's special relationship with Israel have prevented serious action beyond rhetoric and condemnation. This volume will be of interest to scholars and students of the history and politics of American foreign policy, American relations with Israel, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Most research and analyses of Israel’s settlement enterprise has focused on the usage of particular paragraphs in the Geneva Convention. For over 50 years Israel has refuted the usage of the Geneva Convention with regards to its settlements. Doing so, the more relevant question arises on what laws, governance, and regulations, is of importance in understanding Israelis behavior? If one accepts the premise that Israel is occupying some areas, and as an occupying force is forbidden to change laws from previous sovereign, it becomes relevant as to what the laws are and how are they being followed. The aim with this book is to go deeper to understand the rationale behind Israeli land policies. This book is not necessarily a full rejection of the arguments that have been advocated by different scholars that seek to brand Israel’s settlement enterprise as illegal, nor is it to be understood as a full acceptance of those arguments at hand. Rather, I want this book to show nuances in an infective question. The idea is to give the reader an insight into the arguments made by Israel and its judiciary which has not been properly addressed nor researched about through earlier scholars. By including stories about personalities such as Rabbi Menachem Froman & Shabtay Bendet, this book aims to fulfill its purpose of not politicizing the Israeli settlement enterprise through one particular understanding.

The second Intifada arose in September 2000. The course of the uprising, its consequences for the Palestinian people and the Israeli state, and its impact on the future of peace in the Middle East are traced here. 30 photos.

Judicial review by Israel's Supreme Court over actions of Israeli authorities in the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 is an important element in Israel's legal and political control of these territories. The Occupation of Justice presents a comprehensive discussion of the Court's decisions in exercising this review. This revised and expanded edition includes updated material and analysis, as well as new chapters. Inter alia, it addresses the Court's approach to its jurisdiction to consider petitions from residents of the Occupied Territories; justiciability of sensitive political issues; application and interpretation of the international law of belligerent occupation in general, and the Fourth Geneva Convention in particular; the relevance of international human rights law and Israeli constitutional law; the rights of Gaza residents after the withdrawal of Israeli forces and settlements from the area; Israeli settlements and settlers; construction of the separation barrier in the West Bank; security measures, including internment, interrogation practices, and punitive house demolitions; and judicial review of hostilities. The study examines the inherent tension involved in judicial review over the actions of authorities in a territory in which the inhabitants are not part of the political community the Court belongs to. It argues that this tension is aggravated in the context of the West Bank by the glaring disparity between the norms of belligerent occupation and the Israeli government's policies. The study shows that while the Court's review has enabled many individuals to receive a remedy, it has largely served to legitimise government policies and practices in the Occupied Territories.