*This book is in the Rapid Communications in Conflict and Security (RCCS) Series (General Editor: Geoffrey R.H. Burn). With the consolidation of the Russian state under the rule of Vladimir Putin, Russia has begun to assert itself on the international stage to a degree that has not been seen since the end of the Soviet Union. In particular, Russia has engaged in a number of aggressive actions against its neighbors (e.g., Georgia, Ukraine) while also re-asserting its interests in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Central Asia, and more generally in global forums. Chief among this new assertiveness is the development of non-conventional assets of propaganda, information technology, communications, space-based assets, and cyber technology. While many have discussed the rise of asymmetrical warfare, Russian foreign policy, and Russia’s post-Soviet wars, what makes this book unique is how it puts these discussions together into a cogent analysis of contemporary Russian foreign policy alongside current international relations theories. This study examines Russia’s recent wars in the Caucasus and Eastern Europe and outlines the focus of Russian assertiveness in key regions central to their security interests. Further, it elucidates the threat that Russian conventional and unconventional warfare poses to populations in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and elsewhere. In addition, the book highlights the propensity of Russian military thinkers to see a blurring of the line between peace and war, and how Russian capabilities are being used to take advantage of this blurred line. In the book’s conclusion, prescriptions are made as to how the Western powers, and especially the United States, can attempt to blunt Russian aggression, particularly against NATO nations. Among these prescriptions is that the West must rebut the current Russian information and propaganda campaigns in Europe and elsewhere. Further, the West must recognize the increased Russian flexibility to respond to unexpected and spontaneous events in nations around the globe with the development of its information, cyber, and propaganda assets. The conclusion asserts that defense of key Western allies such as the Baltic Republics requires not only a conventional presence (such as NATO forces) but also the development and deployment of asymmetrical assets to counter the Russian capabilities. Learning from Russia’s Recent Wars is an important book for Russian studies, international relations, and foreign policy collections.

You may not be interested in Russia. But Russia is interested in you. Russia's 2022 attack on Ukraine saw confrontation between Moscow and the West spill over into open conflict once again. But Russia has also been waging a clandestine war against the West for decades. Hostile acts abroad, from poisoning dissidents to shooting down airliners, interfering in elections, spying, hacking and murdering, have long seemed to be the Kremlin's daily business. But what is it all for? Why does Russia consistently behave like this? And what does it achieve? In this book, Keir Giles explains how and why Russia pushes for more power and influence wherever it can reach, far beyond Ukraine – and what it means not just for governments, but for ordinary people. Bringing together stories from the military, politics, diplomacy, espionage, cyber power, organised crime and more, Giles describes how Moscow conducts its campaigns across the globe, and how nobody is too unimportant to be caught up in them. By lifting the lid on the daily struggle going on behind the scenes to protect governments, businesses, societies and people from Russian hostile activity, Russia's War On Everybody shows how Moscow's hostile intentions for the rest of the world are far broader and more ambitious, and the ways it tries to achieve them far more pervasive and damaging, than we realise.

In Russia after the Cold War the editors provide an accessible and comprehensive survey of the state of Russia at the end of the twentieth century, as it seeks to come to terms with its new status in the world community, the pressures and tensions arising from economic and social change and with the problems of ensuring a democratic future. Written by a specially commissioned team of internationally respected experts on contemporary Russia, Russia after the Cold War is ideally suited as a main text for introductory courses on modern Russia within a politics, Area Studies or combined social science degree. Contributors: Alexei Avtonomov, Edwin Bacon, John Berryman, Christoph Bluth, Michael Cox, Nadia Davidova, Mark Galeotti, James Hughes, Roger E. Kanet, Julie A. Lund, Nick Manning, Andrew Patmore, Anthony Phillips, Richard Sakwa, Peter Shearman, Mark Webber, Stephen Webber, Stephen White, Matthew Wyman.

In 1993, a newly-appointed CIA director warned that Western powers might have 'slain a large dragon' with the fall of the USSR, but now faced a 'bewildering variety of poisonous snakes'. Since then, both dragons (state enemies like Russia and China) and snakes (terrorist and guerrilla organisations) have watched the US struggle in Iraq and Afghanistan, and mastered new methods in response: hybrid and urban warfare, political manipulation, and harnessing digital technology. Leading soldier-scholar David Kilcullen reveals everything the West's opponents have learned from twenty-first-century conflict and explains how their cutting-edge tactics and adaptability pose a serious threat to America and its allies, disabling the West's military advantage. The Dragons and the Snakes is a compelling, counterintuitive look at the new, vastly complex global arena. Kilcullen reshapes our understanding of the West's foes, and shows how it can respond.

This report describes the most recent trends in schooling and education policy in the Russian Federation, and analyses the education reform initiatives under way.

This book is the first to provide an in-depth understanding of the 2014 crisis, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Europe’s de facto war between Russia and Ukraine. The book provides a historical and contemporary understanding behind President Vladimir Putin Russia’s obsession with Ukraine and why Western opprobrium and sanctions have not deterred Russian military aggression. The volume provides a wealth of detail about the inability of Russia, from the time of the Tsarist Empire, throughout the era of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and since the dissolution of the latter in 1991, to accept Ukraine as an independent country and Ukrainians as a people distinct and separate from Russians. The book highlights the sources of this lack of acceptance in aspects of Russian national identity. In the Soviet period, Russians principally identified themselves not with the Russian Soviet Federative Republic, but rather with the USSR as a whole. Attempts in the 1990s to forge a post-imperial Russian civic identity grounded in the newly independent Russian Federation were unpopular, and notions of a far larger Russian ‘imagined community’ came to the fore. A post-Soviet integration of Tsarist Russian great power nationalism and White Russian émigré chauvinism had already transformed and hardened Russian denial of the existence of Ukraine and Ukrainians as a people, even prior to the 2014 crises in Crimea and the Donbas. Bringing an end to both the Russian occupation of Crimea and to the broader Russian–Ukrainian conflict can be expected to meet obstacles not only from the Russian de facto President-for-life, Vladimir Putin, but also from how Russia perceives its national identity.

This book explores how modern Russian cinema is part of the international information war that has unfolded across a variety of battlefields, including social media, online news, and television. It outlines how Russian cinema has been instrumentalized, both by the Kremlin's allies and its detractors, to convey salient political and cultural messages, often in subtle ways, thereby becoming a tool for both critiquing and serving domestic and foreign policy objectives, shaping national identity, and determining cultural memory. It explains how regulations, legislation, and funding mechanisms have rendered contemporary cinema both an essential weapon for the Kremlin and a means for more independent figures to publicly frame official government policy. In addition, the book employs formal cinematic analysis to highlight the dominant themes and narratives in modern Russian films of a variety of genres, situating them in Russia’s broader rhetorical ecosystem and explaining how they serve the objectives of the Kremlin or its opponents.

LEARN RUSSIAN NEWS Vol.1: English & Russian THIS EDITION: The dual-language text has been arranged into sentences and shorter paragraphs for quick and easy cross-referencing. The source text is the Russian language edition of Voice of America (VOA). The Russian text has been translated into English for this dual-language project. The reader can choose between four formats: Section 1: English to Russian Section 2: Russian to English Section 3: English Section 4: Russian A methodology for getting the most out of this bilingual format is explained in the book’s Foreword. The primary purpose of this text is to equip a foreign language learner with the ability to start reading news in the particular foreign language: to be able to read only in the foreign language, and extract enough understanding to continue the language learning process fruitfully this way. A reader might like to go back to reading dual-language news for reinforcement and further development, returning to foreign language only news with a deeper understanding. By going back to the same ‘old’ news, you are going over words, word patterns, and passages with which you already have a certain familiarity. The process of reinforcement, learning or retaining of what is new, and exposure to what is unfamiliar, is much easier this way — even though the news may seem a little dated. The aim of informing the reader about actual news is secondary, especially given that the content will become less current (and less relevant) over time. (A Dual-Language Book Project) 2Language Books