I highly recommend this book to anyone who cares about poverty and wants to know what economists have said about its connections with the labor market and to consider whether voluntary or government wage norms would be a wise, just, and effective way to reduce poverty. Economists should recommend this book to those who doubt that economists have values. Many professional economists could also use a good review of how their discipline has dealt with the ideas of just, fair, living, and minimal-wage rates. The book would make an excellent supplementary text for a history of economic thought class. Thanks to Stabile for providing a full treatment of such an important intellectual, social, and moral issue. Robin Klay, Journal of Markets & Morality . . . this is a fine addition to the history of economic thought and should be required reading for economists since it reminds us that economics was originally subsumed under the larger disciplinary umbrella of political economy and moral philosophy. Oren M. Levin-Waldman, Industrial and Labor Relations Review Stabile does us a valuable service by laying aside nebulous questions about justice and focusing on specific economic issues. In the process, he offers a compact, well-organized tour of the idea of a living wage in the history of economic thought. It is a book that deserves the attention of economists and scholars working on the history of ideas, as well as anyone contributing to debates over wage policy. Art Carden, EH.Net For the last decade a movement for providing workers with a living wage has been growing in the US. This book describes how great thinkers in the history of economic thought viewed the living wage and highlights how the ideas of the early economists such as Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill support the idea of a living wage and contrast with the ideas of more recent free-market economists who do not. The lessons we can learn from the contrasting ideas of both the early and recent economists will help us to think more clearly about the issues surrounding whether, how and why workers should be paid a living wage. The book reviews the history of economic ideas related to the idea of the living wage. It presents a debate between two ideologies, the moral economy and the market economy, as captured by the need to sustain the workforce, enhance its capability and avoid the externality effects of low wages. It is unique in that it applies these concepts exclusively to labor. The book also breaks new ground by presenting Adam Smith as a moral economist who anticipated many of the arguments set forth by modern day advocates of the living wage. It shows how successive economic thinkers added to Smith s arguments for a living (subsistence) wage or found fault with those arguments. Throughout the book Donald Stabile draws out the lessons that this history of the economic thought about adequate wages has for the modern living wage movement. Economists interested in the history of economic thought and labor issues will find this book a compelling read, as will academics and community groups advocating for a living wage.

The labor movement's response to wages shows how American workers negotiated the transition from artisan to consumer, opening up new political possibilities for organized workers and creating contradictions that continue to haunt the labor movement today.

As wealth inequality skyrockets and trade union power declines, the living wage movement has become ever more urgent for public policymakers, academics, and – most importantly – those workers whose wages hover close to the breadline. A real living wage in any part of the world is rarely its minimum wage: it is the minimum income needed to cover living costs and participate fully in society. Most governments’ minimum wages are still falling short, meaning millions of workers struggle to cover their living costs. This book brings new, vital insights to the conversation from a carefully selected group of contributors at the forefront of this field. By juxtaposing advances across sectors and countries, and encompassing many different approaches and indeed definitions of the living wage, Dobbins and Prowse offer a rich tapestry of approaches that may inform public policy. By including the experiences and voices of those workers earning at, or near, the living wage alongside the opinions of leading experts in this field, this book is a pioneering contribution for public policymakers as well as students and academics of work and employment relations, public policy, organizational studies, social economics, and politics.

This book is driven by a quest to re-regulate work to reduce informality and inequality, and promote a living wage for more people across the world. It presents the findings of a multidisciplinary study in four countries of varying wealth and development, exploring why people become trapped in precarious work. The accounts describe the impact of supply chain governance, trade agreements, internal and between-country migration, legal factors, as well as the socio-economic characteristics and outlooks of the workers. In a unique approach, the chapters describe existing labour regulation measures that have succeeded, but which have to date attracted little scholarly attention. Building on these existing innovations, the book proposes a new international labour law which would incrementally increase the wages of the poor and regulate precarious work in global supply chains.

Living wage activism has spanned time and space, reaching across decades and national boundaries. Conditions generating living wage movements early in the twentieth century have resurfaced in the twenty-first century, only on a global scale: 'sweated' labour, macroeconomic instability, and job insecurity. Upon reviewing the empirical evidence, the book's contributors make strong cases both for and against living wage activism. The effective blend of historical, contemporary, and global perspectives provides opportunities for teachers, scholars, and activists to evaluate how we can address low pay at the organizational and macroeconomic levels.

The book examines the nature of the Real Living Wage as a body of civil regulation, the organizations behind the campaign and the methods they have used, the response of employers, including the motives and characteristics of businesses that have adopted the Living Wage. It also examines the responses of trade unions, which have included both cooperation and conflict, the role of public authorities, which have used a variety of non-statutory policy levers to encourage employers to adopt the Living Wage, and the outcomes of the campaign in terms of redistributive benefits for employees, economic benefits for adopting businesses, and wider social and institutional impacts. The book concludes by considering what the campaign tells us about the evolution of the employment system in the UK, noting that civil regulation and the institutions which create it have become important new system-elements.

This book tells the story behind President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s use of the phrase "living wage" in a variety of speeches, letters, and statements, and examines the degree to which programs of the New Deal reflected the ideas of a living wage movement that existed in the US for almost three decades before Roosevelt was elected president. Far from being a side issue, the previously unexplored living wage debate sheds light on the New Deal philosophy of social justice by identifying the value judgments behind its policies. Moving chronologically through history, this book's highlights include the revelation of a living wage agenda under the War Industry Board (WIB)'s National War Labor Board (NWLB) during World War I, the unearthing of long-forgotten literature from the 1920s and 30s that formed the foundation of Roosevelt's statements on a living wage, and the examination of contemporary studies that used a simple living wage formula combining collective bargaining, social insurance, and minimum wage as a standard for social justice used to measure the impact of New Deal polices.

This book offers a new interpretation of the Employment Act of 1946. It argues that in addition to Keynesian economics, the idea of a living wage was also part of the background leading up to the Employment Act. The Act mandated that the president prepare an Economic Report on the state of the economy and how to improve it, and the idea of a living wage was an essential issue in those Economic Reports for over two decades. The author argues that macroeconomic policy in the USA consisted of a dual approach of using a living wage to increase consumption with higher wages, and fiscal policy to create jobs and higher levels of consumption, therefore forming a hybrid system of redistributive economics. An important read for scholars of economic history, this book explores Roosevelt’s role in the debates over the Employment Act in the 1940s, and underlines how Truman’s Fair Deal, Kennedy’s New Frontier and Johnson’s Great Society all had the ultimate goal of a living wage, despite their variations of its definition and name.

This book examines the movement for living wages at the local level and what it tells us about urban politics. Oren M. Levin-Waldman studies the role that living wage campaigns may have had in recent years in altering the political landscape in four cities where they have been adopted: Los Angeles, Detroit, Baltimore, and New Orleans. It is the author's belief that the living wage movements are a result of policy failure at the local level. They are the by-product of the failure to adequately address the changes that were occurring, mainly the changing urban economic base and growing income inequality. The author undertakes a scholarly analysis of the issue through the disciplinary lenses of political science while also employing some of the economists' tools.

With the disappearance of well-paying jobs and the increasing cost of living, it’s becoming more and more difficult to stay afloat in the United States. Workers who earn the minimum wage often can’t afford the most basic needs. In response, more than 100 U.S. cities have issued living wage ordinances, requiring payments that allow workers to afford food, clothing, shelter, utilities, and healthcare. It may seem obvious that everyone wins with a living wage. But does paying out a living wage help or harm the economy? Should corporations be forced to pay them? What is society’s responsibility to its workers?