The book provides a fresh and innovative interpretation of the new government of Zimbabwe led by Emmerson Mnangagwa, which emerged in late 2017 after the downfall of Robert Mugabe. It demonstrates the contradictory character of the Mnangagwa government, involving both continuities and discontinuities in relation to Mugabe’s regime . The temptation amongst Zimbabwean scholars has been to focus on the continuities and to dismiss the significance of any discontinuities, notably reform measures. This book adopts an alternative approach by identifying and focusing specifically on the existence of a formative project of the Mnangagwa’s Second Republic, further analysing its political significance, as well as risks and limitations. While doing so, the book covers topics such as reform measures, reconciliation, transitional justice, corruption, the media, agriculture, devolution, and the debt crisis as well as health and education. Discussing the limitations of these different reform measures, the book highlights that any scholarly failure to identify the risks of the project leads to an incomplete understanding of what constitutes the Mnangagwa’s Second Republic. The book appeals to students, scholars and researchers of Zimbabwean and African studies, political science and international relations, as well as policymakers interested in a better understanding of political reform processes.

This book is the first to tackle the difficult and complex politics of transition in Zimbabwe, with deep historical analysis. Its focus is on a very problematic political culture that is proving very hard to transcend. At the center of this culture is an unstable but resilient ‘nationalist-military’ alliance crafted during the anti-colonial liberation struggle in the 1970s. Inevitably, violence, misogyny and masculinity are constitutive of the political culture. Economically speaking, the culture is that of a bureaucratic, parasitic, primitive accumulation and corruption, which include invasion and emptying of state coffers by a self-styled ‘Chimurenga aristocracy.’ However, this Chimurenga aristocracy is not cohesive, as the politics that led to Robert Mugabe’s ousting from power was preceded by dirty and protracted internal factionalism. At the center of the factional politics was the ‘first family’:Robert Mugabe and his wife, Grace Mugabe. This book offers a multidisciplinary examination of the complex contemporary politics in Zimbabwe, taking seriously such issues as gender, misogyny, militarism, violence, media, identity, modes of accumulation, the ethnicization of politics, attempts to open lines of credit and FDI, national healing, and the national question as key variables not only of a complete political culture but also of difficult transitional politics.

How does a regime, whose members have been actively involved in the previous one, appropriate and deploy religious ideas and rhetoric to cast itself as 'born-again' and attractive? Exploring intersections between politics, religion and economics, this book examines invention of Zimbabwe's 'New Dispensation,' the regime of Emmerson D. Mnangagwa, and how it has aimed to separate itself from the previous regime of Robert G. Mugabe. Utilizing the concept of 'invention', contributors reflect on how Mnangagwa and his publicists deploy religious ideas, concepts and rhetoric in the quest for legitimacy in a heavily contested political field. The book also reflects on the ways opposing political actors have utilized the same template in their quests to secure power. The contributors interrogate the use of time, theological ideas and religious practices to separate Mnangagwa's regime from Mugabe's. This book provides insight into how religious rhetoric is used not only to gain, but also to contest legitimacy in Zimbabwe's political sphere.

Volume one of Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe pays special attention to the overarching view that the 2023 harmonized elections define the fate of the major presidential contenders and their parties as well as (re) shaping the political and economic trajectories of the nation. Cognizant of the complex nature of the Zimbabwean political realm and nuanced dynamics at play, the chapters in this volume cover three interrelated themes: the electoral environment in Zimbabwean politics; language, politics, and elections in Zimbabwe; and lastly, electoral institutions and human rights in Zimbabwean politics. The chapters foreground the ongoing tensions and politicking between the two main rivals, the ruling party, ZANU PF and the main opposition party, the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC). The contributors also highlight the impact of internal tensions and factionalism within the contending parties, the apparent voter apathy, disconcerting voices due to claims about lack of transparency and a toxic political space as factors impacting on the outcome of the 2023 presidential elections. The volume will appeal to academics and practitioners in politics, human rights, religion, gender, media, languages, linguistics, and development studies.

In 2008, Bishop Bakare was awarded Sweden’s Per Anger Prize, an international award set up for those fighting for human rights and democracy. In his acceptance speech, Bishop Bakare talked about his parishioner Justine Mukoko, who was missing after having been kidnapped from her home in the middle of the night. He also spoke about Itai Dzamara, a young activist and critic of then-Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe, who had also disappeared. That speech memorializing Zimbabwe’s struggle to become a truly democratic nation is at the heart of Bishop Bakare’s memoir, and it reflects his own life that encompasses all of Zimbabwe’s modern history. When he was a child, Bishop Bakare’s family was evicted from their home and lost their livelihoods when white settlers invaded and stole their land. As a young man he was forced to flee after criticizing the white occupiers. The joy of returning from exile to vote in Zimbabwe’s first election was soon replaced by his realization that the Mugabe regime was corrupt and his countrymen and women were still impoverished and repressed. Still, he returned to Zimbabwe, with his beloved wife, Ruth, and his daughters to strive to answer the call he heard, while still in secondary school from Isa 6:8: “Then I heard the voice of the Lord. He said, ‘Who will I send? Who will go for us?’ I said, ‘Here I am. Send me!’” Bishop Bakare’s fight for freedom for all God’s people and, especially, the people of Zimbabwe, culminated in his accepting the position of interim bishop of Harare when Mugabe was backing breakaway Bishop Nolbert Kunonga. That role led him into direct and dangerous conflict with Mugabe’s forces, even into a standoff with armed men during Sunday mass.

Zimdancehall is a musical movement in Zimbabwe that has grown significantly since 2010. The Zimdancehall Revolution brings together critical essays on various aspects of Zimdancehall culture by scholars from diverse disciplines. Traditionally, music critics and senior academics have not taken Zimdancehall seriously, regarding it as vulgar, transient, bubble gum, lacking depth, and in short, a fad. There were also allegations that the lyrics influenced factionalism, incited violence and glorified drug use and unbridled promiscuity among the youth. This book affords this movement the protracted intellectual engagement that it deserves and argues that Zimdancehall is more than just a musical genre but an everyday culture, a way of life. The genre’s close association with the ghetto is telling and enables critics to look at it as a social movement, a revolution, or a raw, petulant and raging disturbance of peace by those who live their lives on the margins. It is, thus, a violent irruption onto the public space by marginalised young people whose presence as artistes creating art from the margins, simultaneously as victims and agents, circulating in a geography that escapes the limits of nationalist ideological and physical territory, in a way subverts communitarian prescriptions and allows young people entry into the world, albeit in a painful, tumultuous and violent way. The essays range from the mapping of the genre’s historical development to theoretical interventions in understanding the genre and its relationship with various aspects of the Zimbabwean society like politics, gender, religion, language, dance, cultural values and other genres.

This book examines the ways in which political discourses of crisis and ‘newness’ are (re)produced, circulated, naturalised, received and contested in Post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. Going beyond the ordinariness of conventional political, human and social science methods, the book offers new and engaging multi-disciplinary approaches that treat discourse and language as important sites to encounter the politics of contested representations of the Zimbabwean crisis in the wake of the 2017 coup. The book centres discourse on new approaches to contestations around the discursive framing of various aspects of the socio-economic and political crisis related to significant political changes in Zimbabwe post-2017. Contributors in this volume, most of whom experienced the complex transition first-hand, examine some of the ways in which language functions as a socio-cultural and political mechanism for creating imaginaries, circulating, defending and contesting conceptions, visions, perceptions and knowledges of the post-Mugabe turn in the Zimbabwean crisis and its management by the "New Dispensation". This book will be of interest to scholars of African studies, postcolonial studies, language/discourse studies, African politics and culture.

This book explains the role of religion in peace and conflict in contemporary European society. It confirms the idea that multiculturalism is a dead concept because it is too static. The main link between all of the chapters of the book is the idea that European society is segregated, especially along the axes of religious and ethnic belonging. Because of this, religious nationalism, which is especially characteristic for Christian and Islamic religious institutions, is becoming stronger. The much more dynamic principle of interculturalism is based on this concept. The book presents a message to the political and religious elites of Europe to build one society for all and interculturalism instead of furthering the ideologies of ethno-nationalism and religious nationalism. A part of this text is dedicated to the situation in Africa in comparison to Europe.