The Middle East conflict, be it between the state of Israel and Arab states or between Jews and Palestinians, is a staple of international news. Utilizing both theoretical approaches and empirical evidence, Hemda Ben-Yehuda and Shmuel Sandler argue that despite the recent upswing in violence, particularly over the Palestinian issue, conflict has gradually been giving way, since the 1970s, to a more orderly regime of conflict management. By integrating ethnonational theoretical literature into their analysis, the authors move beyond the current International Relations debate over the relative merits of realist/neo-realist approaches versus neo-liberal-institutional approaches. Ethnic-state disputes are the primary source for failing to terminate the Arab-Israeli conflict.

An exploration of the individual work of ten diplomats who were charged with negotiating conclusions to intractable conflicts in the Middle East and Balkans, this book is the first study to combine the outlooks of practitioners and academics on new forms of war, especially asymmetrical warfare between state and non-state actors.

In this concise yet comprehensive survey, Kirsten E. Schulze analyzes the causes, course and consequences of the Arab–Israeli conflict, exploring the particular dynamics of this conflict and the numerous attempts at its resolution. Covering pivotal events ranging from the creation of the State of Israel to the first and second Lebanon Wars and the Arab Spring, the book traces the development of the conflict from its intellectual roots in the nineteenth century to the present day. This third edition has been revised throughout to bring the text up to date with recent events, including: • a completely new chapter on the Gaza Wars from 2006 to 2014 • new material on the Arab Spring and its implications for Israel • an updated discussion of the ongoing negotiations for peace. Containing a diverse collection of primary source documents, a chronology of key dates, a glossary, a guide to further reading and a Who’s Who summarizing the careers and contributions of the main figures, this book is essential to understanding the background to and worldwide significance of the continuing violence between Israel and Palestine and is valuable reading for all students of the Arab–Israeli conflict.

An in-depth study of the effects of Israels internal struggles on the Arab-Israeli peace process, this book examines how Israels leaders and citizens have reacted to the various proposals in the postCamp David era, from the 1982 Reagan plan to the signing of the Declaration of Principles in 1993. The author examines the dramatic consequences of the peace process, including the ultimate fall of the NUG in 1990, and shows how the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War encouraged negotiations. }An in-depth study of the effects of Israels internal struggles on the Arab-Israeli peace process, this book examines how Israels leaders and citizens have reacted to the various proposals in the postCamp David era, including the 1982 Reagan plan, the 1988 Shultz initiative, and the 1989 Mubarak and Baker plans. Ziva Flamhaft also analyzes reactions to the signing of the Declaration of Principles in 1993. Focusing on the domestic political scene, she exposes the efforts of the Israeli political right to undermine the peace process and illuminates the dramatic consequences of that processthe reaction of Prime Minister Begin to the Reagan plan, the near collapse of the National Unity Government (NUG) in 1987-88, and the ultimate fall of the NUG in 1990 as a result of the Baker plan.Flamhaft then looks at how the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War helped to encourage negotiations and evaluates why the Likud Party was replaced by Labor in 1992. Finally, Flamhaft demonstrates the futility of third-party mediation when negotiations are rejected domestically and discusses the essential conditions required for effective mediation. }

What has been the role of rising powers in the Arab–Israeli conflict? What does this tell us about rising powers and conflict management as well as rising powers’ behavior in the world more generally? This book studies the way that five rising powers—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the BRICS countries—have approached the conflict since it first became internationalized in 1947. Conflict management consists of different methods, from peacekeeping to mediation and the use of economic incentives and sanctions and (non)enforcement of international legal decisions. What distinguishes them is whether they are active or passive: active measures seek to transform a conflict and resolve it; passive measures seek to ameliorate its worst effects, but do not change their underlying causes. Since 1947 rising powers’ active or passive use of these methods has coincided with their rise and fall and rise again in the international system. Those rises and falls are tied to global changes, including the Cold War, the emergence of the Third World, economic and ideological retrenchment of the 1980s and 1990s and the shift from unipolarity to multipolarity after 2000. In summary, rising powers’ management of the Arab–Israeli conflict has shifted from active to more passive methods since 1947. Their actions have occurred alongside two key changes within the conflict. One is the shift from a primarily state-based conflict between Israel and the Arabs to one that is more ethnic and territorial in scope, between Israel and the Palestinians. The other the emergence of the Oslo framework which has frozen power imbalance between Israel and the Palestinians since 1993. By pursuing the Oslo process, rising powers have separated conflict management from developing ‘normal’ diplomatic and economic exchanges with Israel and the Palestinians. In adopting this more passive conflict management approach, rising powers are disregarding both emerging alternatives that may potentially transform the conflict’s dynamics (including involvement with civil society actors like the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement) and undertaking more active efforts at conflict resolution—and presenting themselves as global powers.

What does Israel want from Europe and why? How does Israel pursue its goals? And, who are the relevant actors? This dissertation establishes what has been governing Israel's attitudes and behavior towards the EC/EU since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War, the reversal of Israel's peace process policy under Rabin, and changes of government certainly have had an impact on Israel's behavior. But could the changes in behavior be due to the changes in circumstances and not to a change in the substance of Israel's attitude? As the analysis shows, Israel's European policy is astonishingly autonomous. It is also, almost exclusively, day-to-day politics. This study offers an insight into the workings of low politics of second or third priority, a view that is far from rare, but rarely taken. It also sheds light on the behavior of a state at the inferior end of an asymmetry of power: How does Israel cope when dealing with a vastly larger and more powerful actor, like the EU? Special attention is paid to Israel's self-perception and its understanding of Europe and of the EU's positions. The book also looks at misperceptions and policy failures that may result from these. Dissertation.

This collection of essays situates the study and practice of international mediation and peaceful settlement of disputes within a changing global context. The book is organized around issues of concern to practitioners, including the broader regional, global, and institutional context of mediation and how this broader environment shapes the opportunities and prospects for successful mediation. A major theme is complexity, and how the complex contemporary context presents serious challenges to mediation. This environment describes a world where great-power rivalries and politics are coming back into play, and international and regional organizations are playing different roles and facing different kinds of constraints in the peaceful settlement of disputes. The first section discusses the changing international environment for conflict management and reflects on some of the challenges that this changing environment raises for addressing conflict. Part II focuses on the consequences of bringing new actors into third-party engagement and examines what may be harbingers for how we will attempt to resolve conflict in the future. The third section turns to the world of practice, and discusses mediation statecraft and how to employ it in this current international environment. The volume aims to situate the practice and study of mediation within this wider social and political context to better understand the opportunities and constraints of mediation in today’s world. The value of the book lies in its focus on complex and serious issues that challenge both mediators and scholars. This volume will be of much interest to students, practitioners, and policymakers in the area of international negotiation, mediation, conflict resolution and international relations.

“Jones provides a nuanced perspective on both the promise and limits of this unheralded form of unofficial diplomacy.” —Stephen J. Del Rosso, Director, International Peace and Security, Carnegie Corporation of New York Track Two diplomacy consists of informal dialogues among actors such as academics, religious leaders, retired senior officials, and NGO officials that can bring new ideas and new relationships to the official process of diplomacy. Sadly, those involved in official diplomacy often have little understanding of and appreciation for the complex and nuanced role that Track Two can play, or for its limitations. And many Track Two practitioners are often unaware of the realities and pressures of the policy and diplomatic worlds, and not particularly adept at framing their efforts to make them accessible to hard-pressed officials. At the same time, those interested in the academic study of Track Two sometimes fail to understand the realities faced by either set of practitioners. A need therefore exists for a work to bridge the divides between these constituencies and between the different types of Track Two practice—and this book crosses disciplines and traditions in order to do just that. It explores the various dimensions and guises of Track Two, the theory and practice of how they work, and how both practitioners and academics could more profitably assess Track Two. Overall, it provides a comprehensive picture of the range of activities pursued under this title, to provoke new thinking about how these activities relate to each other, to official diplomacy, and to academe. “This book will be a classic that defines the field of Track Two diplomacy. . . . an exemplary work.”—Esra Cuhadar, Bilkent University

This book provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of the United Nations intervention in the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1947. In his structured and exhaustive analysis, the author presents a long term perspective on the UN intervention in the conflict and explains its evolution during the last sixty years. He draws on a wealth of quantitative data to provide a complete picture of resolutions addressed to the Arab-Israeli conflict by the General Assembly and the Security Council, the mediation activity, and the UN peace missions in the area. Through his analysis, Di Mauro addresses such questions as: Why did the United Nations have different involvement and efforts of interventions in the conflict? How did the role of the UN change during the dispute, and why did it change? Is there still a role for the UN in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process? Offering a contribution to both to the studies of UN intervention in conflict resolution and, more broadly, to the UN role in the international system, The UN and the Arab-Israeli Conflict will be of great interest to International Relation scholars and students, but also appreciable by historians, political scientists, methodologists and all the social scientists interested in the Palestine question and the United Nations.