More than half a century after the fall of the Third Reich, Nazism, its roots and its essential nature, remain a central and unresolved enigma of the twentieth century. During the period of Hitler's ascendancy, most attempts at explaining this unprecedented phenomenon were framed in "economic," often Marxist, sociological terms and concepts. Peter Viereck's Metapolitics, initially published in 1941, broke with this convention by indicting Hitler in terms of the Judaic-Christian ethical tradition and locating certain elements of the Nazi worldview in German romantic poetry, music, and social thought. Newly expanded, Metapolitics remains a key work in the cultural interpretation of Nazism and totalitarianism and in the psychological interpretation of Hitler as a Wagnerite and failed artist. The term "metapolitics," a coinage from Richard Wagner's nationalist circle, signifies an ideology resulting from five distinct strands: romanticism (embodied chiefly in the Wagnerian ethos), the pseudo-science of race, Fuehrer worship, vague economic socialism, and the alleged supernatural and unconscious force of the Volk collectivity. Together, those elements engendered an emphasis on irrationalism and hysteria and belief in a special German mission to direct the course of the world's history. Viereck analyzes nineteenth-century German thought's conflicting attitudes toward political procedures and social arrangements rooted in classical, rational, legalistic, and Christian traditions. This edition includes an appreciation by Thomas Mann and an exchange with Jacques Barzun debating Viereck's criticism of German romanticism. Viereck's essays on the case of Albert Speer, on Claus von Stauffenberg (the German officer who led the army conspiracy to assassinate Hitler), and on the poets Stefan George and Georg Heym appear here for the first time in book form.

"Metapolitics" Overview: Embark on a journey through the intersection of philosophy and politics with "Metapolitics." This comprehensive exploration delves into the foundational ideas that shape our understanding of governance, ideology, and societal change. Whether you are a student, professional, or enthusiast, this work will deepen your grasp of contemporary political thought, illuminating the vital role philosophy plays in shaping our political landscape. Chapters Brief Overviews: 1-Metapolitics: Discover how theory and politics converge to frame our understanding of governance. 2-Continental Philosophy: Analyze how continental philosophy influences modern political discourse. 3-Jacques Rancière: Understand Rancière's revolutionary ideas on democracy and equality. 4-Alain Badiou: Explore Badiou's concepts of truth and transformation in politics. 5-Melbourne School: Study the Melbourne School's impact on contemporary philosophy. 6-Peter Hallward: Learn about Hallward's critiques of neoliberalism and global capitalism. 7-Bruno Bosteels: Dive into Bosteels' work on Marxism and revolutionary politics. 8-Sylvain Lazarus: Explore Lazarus' views on political action and social change. 9-Frédéric Lordon: Analyze Lordon's interdisciplinary approach to capitalism and democracy. 10-Alberto Toscano: Investigate Toscano's insights on political theology and ideology. 11-Deliberation: Examine the role of deliberative democracy in shaping political discourse. 12-Jason Barker: Link Barker's existentialism with broader political philosophies. 13-Barbara Cassin: Uncover Cassin's ideas on language and its impact on politics. 14-Oliver Feltham: Study Feltham's take on ethics and justice within political theory. 15-Justin Clemens: Engage with Clemens' exploration of culture and ideology. 16-Post-politics: Understand the challenges of navigating political apathy today. 17-21st-century Communist Theorists: Survey modern communist theory in a globalized world. 18-Post-Marxism: Explore contemporary reinterpretations of Marxist thought. 19-Étienne Balibar: Examine Balibar's contributions to citizenship and democracy. 20-Parrhesia (journal): Discover the journal's role in critical theory and political philosophy. 21-Nina Power: Analyze Power's feminist critiques within contemporary political theory. Final Thoughts: "Metapolitics" is an essential resource for anyone seeking to expand their understanding of political theory beyond the basics. Through a profound exploration of key philosophical ideas, this book offers valuable insights into how philosophical inquiry can transform our political realities. Dive into "Metapolitics" to explore the ideas that are shaping the future of political thought.

Metapolitics, Algorithms and Violence argues that we need a more finegrained approach to understand contemporary far-right violence – an approach that takes language and cultural production in a digital economy seriously. This book underlines the importance of socio-political, economic, historical and technological context in understanding the rise of the new right. More concretely, based on a digital ethnographic approach, it argues that we should understand this violence and the contemporary rise of new far-right practices and actors in relation to the theoretical renewal of ‘La Nouvelle Droite’ in the 20th century; the ‘democratization’ of new right metapolitics in the 21st century as a result of the rise of digital media; and the development of a layered, transnational and polycentric new right cultural niche in which far-right activists and terrorists produce identity, discourse, digital cultures and practices. This work will be an engaging and necessary read for researchers interested in social media, digital culture, far-right politics, extremism and terrorism.

Looking at the roots of contemporary political theory, this three-volume set examines the global landscape of all the key theories and the theorists behind them, and provides concise, to-the-point definitions of key concepts, ideas, schools and figures.

What does it mean when a radical understanding of National Socialism is inextricably embedded in the work of the twentieth century's most important philosopher? Martin Heidegger's sympathies for the conservative revolution and National Socialism have long been well known. As the rector of the University of Freiburg in the early 1930s, he worked hard to reshape the university in accordance with National Socialist policies. He also engaged in an all-out struggle to become the movement's philosophical preceptor, "to lead the leader." Yet for years, Heidegger's defenders have tried to separate his political beliefs from his philosophical doctrines. They argued, in effect, that he was good at philosophy but bad at politics. But with the 2014 publication of Heidegger's Black Notebooks, it has become clear that he embraced a far more radical vision of the conservative revolution than previously suspected. His dissatisfaction with National Socialism, it turns out, was mainly that it did not go far enough. The notebooks show that far from being separated from Nazism, Heidegger's philosophy was suffused with it. In this book Richard Wolin explores what the notebooks mean for our understanding of arguably the most important philosopher of the twentieth century, and of his ideas--and why his legacy remains radically compromised.

Nietzsche’s Immoralism begins a two-volume critical reconstruction of a socialist, democratic, and non-liberal Nietzschean politics. Nietzsche’s ideal of amor fati (love of fate) cannot be individually adopted because it is incompatible with deep freedom of agency. However, we can create its social conditions thanks to an underappreciated aspect of his will-to-power psychology. We are driven not toward domination and conquest but toward resistance, contest, and play—a heightened feeling of power provoked by equal challenges that enables the non-instrumental affirmation of suffering. This incompatibilist, anti-teleological psychology leads to Nietzsche’s distinctive immoralism: the abandonment of cultural means of human improvement for a historical materialist politics of breeding that produces future higher types through changes to our political order’s material conditions. Politics becomes first philosophy: it is not grounded in moral values but is instead the very source of their legitimacy. Moreover, despite Nietzsche’s professed aristocratism, his immoralism offers a stronger foundation for a renewed left, attacking conservative politics at its very root: the belief in moral order, authority, and responsibility.

What if "liberal democracy" were a contradiction in terms? This book distinguishes liberalism (a logic of order) from democracy (a principle of disordering) to defend a Rancièrean vision of impure politics. Disclosing Rancière's refusal of ontology as political, The Lessons of Rancière enacts a critical theory beyond unmasking and a democratic politics beyond liberalism.

The contributions to Law and Art address the interaction between law, justice, the ethical and the aesthetic.

This striking interpretation of Rancière's uncompromising view of emancipation draws on his Maoist commitments and invariably rational and Kantian-moralist basis. Tracing the logic of abstract and atemporal space in all of Rancière's work, it stands in contrast to the prevailing tendency to emphasise his sensitivity to evolving historical forms and changing regimes of sensibility. Overturning the meaning of Rancière's interest in the sensible makes the object of his thinking clear: a revolt against a reality structured according to ordered temporalities and forms of appearance. In making its case, For Revolt reconstructs Rancière's relations to some of the crucial, yet unexplored, politico-historical frameworks of his thought, such as the Cultural-Revolutionary Maoism and the French Revolution, offering a fresh perspective on these revolutionary paradigms. Going against dominant views, this book argues for a fundamentally positive influence of Louis Althusser's philosophy on Rancière's thought and analyses his relation to Marx and Kant based on previously undiscussed early student work. Through a critical discussion of Rancière, For Revolt sheds light on the present predicament of emancipatory politics – its emphasis on the actualities of here and now and its difficulties in envisaging programmatic realisations of radically alternative futures.