This book demonstrates that national security and good governance are opposite sides of the same coin. As good governance improves, national security also improves, in that challenges to national security become lesser and lesser in such a society. It concludes that for most of Africa, this is not happening fast enough. Thus, creating fertile grounds for their citizens, especially the youths, to resort to self-help measures, some of which include violence and militancy. These have further complicated the issues of national security, good governance and democracy in Africa. Praise for the Book This book is a must read. Dr. Dan Mou, a world-class trained political scientist, who has served at various ministries and parastatals in Nigeria before retirement, has made stunning revelations. Lead Times Africa Magazine. Dr. Dan Mou, a varsity don and seasoned civil servant, (who) spent over two decades working in Nigerias Presidency, provides deep insights in this book, into the intractable security situation in Nigeria and Africa. He also x-rays economic policies, among other issues. Daily Trust. Having successfully designed and masterminded many workable national schemes in the past in Nigeria, like the memoranda that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC), Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Region, to mention just a few, Dr. Dan Mou, in this book, has (proposed) permanent solutions it is no fallacy to say that no one else could have done it better. Dr. O. W. Bashorun, Provost, College of Education, Lagos, Nigeria.

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the 71 percent of Nigerias population still living below the poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness worse civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in the future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use. There is this perception that Nigerians dont write and read. This perception is deep-seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Dr. Dan Mou has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well-researched and detailed books. It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State (Agbo Agbo, deputy editor, The Nation). Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements (Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, first justice of Abuja High Court and former dean, faculty of law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria). Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent. As an educationist myself, before I became a traditional ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions. I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed . . . that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa would be able to solve most of these challenges (HRH Alh. Dr. Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwalis Palace, Abuja, Nigeria).

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigerias population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.

The performance of Nigeria has recently been vehemently criticized as not commensurate with her human and material potentialities. The hope that Nigeria is, by destiny, the African Giant appears to be fading. Some analysts, seeing this, have blamed it on the character defects of the leadership in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are predatory and corrupt, they have preoccupied themselves with their interests, which are primitive accumulation and luxurious lifestyles. Meanwhile, the rest of the citizens are suffering. This book argues that such character defects may indeed exist in some of Nigerian leaders. However, these are not the main reasons for their dismal performance regarding the welfare of the citizens. The main problem is that Nigerian leaders seem to have largely lost control over the state and its policies, which appear to have been captured by the dominant classes and groupslocal and international. Nigerias main problem is, therefore, a structural one. Nonetheless, the book concludesas the security, economic, political, and social crises intensifyNigerian leaders, even if it is simply for self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups. It is only then that Nigeria can realistically be restored to the possibility of becoming an African Giant.

Particularly in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attack, the threat of terrorism, however, defined, has been invoked as a common ‘justification’ in the pursuit of remodelling policies, laws, and institutions, both at the international and in the domestic politico-legal showground. The broader central theme that this book explores is the normative vibe under which the present-day counterterrorism discourse is construed and sculpted in the legislative and institutional structures of an authoritarian state where the political power and government institutions are functioning under a single-party-monopolised system. Presenting the Ethiopian legislative and institutional frameworks as a case study, the book critically reflects on the extent that the international legal and/or institutional counterterrorism response is sensitised in a manner lessening the risk of conflating authoritarian regime’s unbearable reactions to citizens’ legitimate demands and resistances against its repression vis-àvis that of its response to the common threat of international terrorism. In particular, the book ponders whether or not the range of the substantive and procedural aspects of the Ethiopian antiterrorism legislative and institutional frameworks are wrought to fit into the main objectives and standards that emanate from the pertinent international laws relating to terrorism and the international human rights law as well as the domestic constitutional law maxims.

Provides a context for understanding West Africa's security dilemmas, highlighting the link between failures of economic development, governance, and democratization on the one hand and military insecurity and violent conflicts on the other.