Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto Indonesia By: Boni Hargens As detailed in Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto Indonesia, a few ruling individuals from party organizations overpowered Indonesia’s post-authoritarian, representative democracy. The legislative process of the 2017 Election Act was the case study employed to examine this assumption. The underlying thinking was that there was a contest between “wealth power” (oligarchy) and “participation power” (democracy). The power of wealth controls the party and government institutions. Notwithstanding the presence of participation power, there was, however, no balance between wealth power and participation power, because the formal control of politics was in the hands of party oligarchs. This study is purposed to bridge the gap in knowledge by exploring how the party oligarchs maintain the policymaking, reputedly using cartelized strategies, to defend the status quo. By employing the oligarchy and cartelization concepts, the central question of this inquiry focused on how the party oligarchs mastered the policy process in post-Suharto Indonesia. Qualitative findings indicated that the party oligarchs engineered the legal process in parliament applying cartelized strategies to defend privileges they obtained from collusive interpenetrations with the state. Understanding the “oligarchic cartelization” theoretical postulate is a fundamental step for party members to improve their performance in public offices. The results of this study can also be a useful reference for pro-democracy activists to defend the ontological essence of public participation in implementing representative democracy at an appropriate level.

Are political parties the weak link in Indonesia's young democracy? More pointedly, do they form a giant cartel to suck patronage resources from the state? Indonesian commentators almost invariably brand the country's parties as corrupt, self-absorbed, and elitist, while most scholars argue that they are poorly institutionalized. This book tests such assertions by providing unprecedented and fine-grained analysis of the inner workings of Indonesian parties, and by comparing them to their equivalents in other new democracies around the world. Contrary to much of the existing scholarship, the book finds that Indonesian parties are reasonably well institutionalized if compared to their counterparts in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and other parts of Asia. There is also little evidence that Indonesian parties are cartelized. But there is a significant flaw in the design of Indonesia's party system: while most new democracies provide state funding to parties, Indonesia has opted to deny central party boards any meaningful subsidies. As a result, Indonesian parties face severe difficulties in financing their operations, leading them to launch predatory attacks on state resources and making them vulnerable to manipulation by oligarchic interests.

Presidentialism and Democracy in East and Southeast Asia examines the impact of presidential systems on democracies by examining three distinct literatures – the perilousness of competing legitimacies of the executive and legislative branches, issues of institutional design (particularly regarding semi-presidentialism), and the rise of executive aggrandizement. Despite often intense political conflict and temporary instability in the East and Southeast Asia, presidential systems of various types – from relatively "pure" forms to semi-presidentialism and other hybrids – have largely been resilient. Although there are signs of growing autocratization in several cases, presidentialism, associated with both accommodation and conflict, has usually not driven it. This book’s contributions to presidentialism debates will be of interests to students and scholars of comparative politics while it also offers detailed analysis of the presidency in these East and Southeast Asian cases.

"This book provides an introduction (from the perspective of Chan/Zen Studies) to the teachings of the key figure of Yuan-dynasty Chan: Zhongfeng Mingben. Zhongfeng was a leading student of Gaofeng Yuanmiao. At Gaofeng's death, Zhongfeng left the mountain and for many years resided in various small mountain hermitages (often called "Dwelling-in-the-Phantasmal Hermitages"). On occasion, he chose to live on a houseboat. He drew students from all over East Asia: Yunnan, Turfan, Mongol officials; Koreans, Japanese, and so forth. The primary focus is on illustrating Zhongfeng's Chan style via translation of selected works in his Chan records. The texts selected from his Chan records include the standard genres instructions to the assembly and dharma talks; the miscellany Night Conversations in a Mountain Hermitage (which covers such topics as the nature of the huatou; the relationship between the bodhisattva stages and Chan; numinous knowing versus false knowing, and so forth); one-hundred poems in imitation of the well-known collection Hanshan's Poems (Poems of Cold Mountain); admonitions on cross-legged sitting Chan, and so forth. Zhongfeng's wider social world, cultural context, and idiosyncratic calligraphy are addressed only in passing"--

The extraordinary works and contributions of writers with different backgrounds ranging from academics to bureaucrats make this book rich in treasures to see how far the scientific development of public administration is dealing with global conditions which are currently starting to show signs of revival. At the same time, we can learn from when local to national governments have to work hard to provide public policies in the form of a stimulus to help the country get out of the problems caused by disease outbreaks. This book is contained of 38 selected writings that can be an excellent literature for for those who seek for reference on public policy. In addition, this book is expected to ignite further discussions within the scientific scope. Apart from the various shortcomings, we apologize profusely and hopefully this book can provide benefits to the wider community. We thank the authors and editors who have contributed their best energy, thoughts, and works.

How can we explain policy preference mismatch between voters and their representatives?

Evaluation on activities of the Indonesian House of Representatives from October 1, 2004 to December 31, 2005, and their impact on political conditions and law enforcements in Indonesia.