The end of the Cold War promises a new era of global peace in which domestic reform could be achieved. Yet armed conflict persists throughout the world. Economic inequality, declining public services, environmental degradation, and other forms of domestic decay threaten the quality of life in the U.S. In Peace Politics, Paul Joseph develops a systematic comparison of the "old" and "new" world orders that links foreign and domestic affairs. By examining the issues that are central to any realignment of American politics, he offers a sweeping account of the possibilities and obstacles for progressive change over the 1990s.Acknowledging that all nations and people have a right to security, he argues for a global attack against a broad range of shared threats, including human rights violations, nuclear devastation, poverty and despair, politically repressive governments, and environmental threats. Joseph also addresses the links between the militarism in the U.S. and deforestation of the Amazon, the uncertain victory of the Gulf War, the effect of public opinion on security issues, the impact of peace movements, nuclear weapons policy, and the need for a peace dividend.Linking war and peace issues with environmental renewal, stronger democracy, economic justice, and citizen activism, Peace Politics is a rallying cry for rationality, genuine security, and mutual survival. Author note: Paul Joseph is Associate Professor of Sociology and Chair of the Anthropology/Sociology Department and Peace and Justice Studies Program at Tufts University.

This volume reflects the multiplicity of women’s role in peace politics in South Asia through a collection of important articles on the subject. Reflecting the three genres through which women’s peace politics is often played out, the book is divided into three sections: ideas and ideologies, South Asian women’s practices of structured negotiations for peace, and the lives of ‘ordinary’ women who symbolize women’s unending quest for peace and justice.

Relationships between peace, politics and religion are often controversial, and sometimes problematic. Religion is a core source of identity for billions of people around the world and it is hardly surprising that sometimes it becomes involved in conflicts. At the same time, we can see religion involved not only in conflict. It is also central to conflict resolution, peace-making and peacebuilding. Religious involvement is often necessary to try to end hatred and differences, frequently central to political conflicts especially, but not only, in the Global South. Evidence shows that religious leaders and faith-based organisations can play constructive roles in helping to end violence, and in some cases, build peace via early warnings of conflict, good offices once conflict has erupted, as well as advocacy, mediation and reconciliation. The chapters of this book highlight that religion can encourage both conflict and peace, through the activities of people individually and collectively imbued with religious ideas and ideals.

This book considers elicitive conflict transformation and its interrelation with humanistic psychology. It discusses the transrational turn in the fields of diplomacy, military, development cooperation and political economy, presenting a new model of conflict analysis with practical implications for peace work.

During a television broadcast in 1959, US President Dwight D. Eisenhower remarked that "people in the long run are going to do more to promote peace than our governments. Indeed, I think that people want peace so much that one of these days our governments had better get out of the way and let them have it." At that very moment international peace organizations were bypassing national governments to create alternative institutions for the promotion of world peace and mounting the first serious challenge to the state-centered conduct of international relations. This study explores the emerging politics of peace, both as an ideal and as a pragmatic aspect of international relations, during the early cold war. It traces the myriad ways in which a broad spectrum of people involved in and affected by the cold war used, altered, and fought over a seemingly universal concept. These dynamic interactions involved three sets of global actors: cold war states, peace advocacy groups, and anti-colonial liberationists. These transnational networks challenged and eventually undermined the cold war order. They did so not just with reference to the United States, the Soviet Union, and Western Europe, but also by addressing the violence of national liberation movements in the Third World. As Petra Goedde shows in this work, deterritorializing the cold war reveals the fractures that emerged within each cold war camp, as activists both challenged their own governments over the right path toward global peace and challenged each other over the best strategy to achieve it. The Politics of Peace demonstrates that the scientists, journalists, publishers, feminists, and religious leaders who drove the international discourse on peace after World War II laid the groundwork for the eventual political transformation of the Cold War.

This pathbreaking book uncovers the important, underappreciated role of armed opposition groups turned political parties in shaping long-term patterns of politics after war. Based on an empirically grounded and theoretically informed retrospective on nearly 30 years of post-conflict democratic state-building efforts, it examines whether this practice has contributed to peace and finds that engaging post-rebel parties in electoral politics has proven to be a viable long-term strategy for bringing political stability, that disparate post-rebel parties from different political contexts invest heavily in electoral politics, and that few post-rebel parties actively seek return to civil conflict as a solution after becoming a political party. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students, and practitioners in democracy, governance, elections, political parties, post-conflict peacebuilding, and more broadly to international relations, comparative politics, and regional politics.

In marked contrast to literary, historical and cultural studies, there has been a limited engagement with the concepts and politics of trauma by political science and peacebuilding research. This book explores the debate on trauma and peacebuilding and presents the challenges for democratization that the politics of trauma present in transitional periods. It demonstrates how ideas about reconciliation are filtered through ideological lenses and become new ways of articulating communal and ethno-nationalist sentiments. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and Iris Marion Young and with specific reference to the Northern Irish transition, it argues for a shift in focus from the representation of trauma towards its reception and calls for a more substantive approach to the study of democracy and post-conflict peacebuilding. This text will be of interest to scholars and students of peace and conflict studies, ethnic and nationalism studies, transitional justice studies, gender studies, Irish politics, nationalism and ethnicity.

By providing a critical interpretation of political leadership during the Northern Ireland peace process, Gormley-Heenan shows the 'leadership lens' offers insights not offered by conventional analyses of peacemaking processes. The book discusses the confusions, contradictions and chameleonic nature of leadership and its role, capacity and effect.

As Oliver Richmond explains, there is a level to peacemaking that operates in the realm of dialogue, declarations, symbols and rituals. But after all this pomp and circumstance is where the reality of security, development, politics, economics, identity, and culture figure in; conflict, cooperation, and reconciliation are at their most vivid at the local scale. Thus local peace operations are crucial to maintaining order on the ground even in the most violent contexts. However, as Richmond argues, such local capacity to build peace from the inside is generally left unrecognized, and it has been largely ignored in the policy and scholarly literature on peacebuilding. In Peace and Political Order, Richmond looks at peace processes as they scale up from local to transnational efforts to consider how to build a lasting and productive peace. He takes a comparative and expansive look at peace efforts in conflict situations in countries around the world to consider what local voices might suggest about the inadequacy of peace processes engineered at the international level. As well, he explores how local workers act to modify or resist peace processes headed by international NGOs, and to what degree local actors have enjoyed success in the peace process (and how they have affected the international peace process).

This book examines the operational and political challenges facing UN peace operations deployed in countries where civil war and protracted violence have given rise to the complex and distinctive political economies of conflict. The volume explores the nature and impact of such political economies – informal systems of power and influence formed by the interaction of local, national, and region-wide war economies with the political agendas of conflict actors – on the course of UN peace operations. It focuses in detail on the UN’s long-running peace operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, Mali, and Somalia. The book is centrally concerned with the interaction of UN missions with the power structures and local conflict dynamics that shape individual mission settings, and the challenges these pose for mediation, protection of civilians, and other tasks. It also offers a critical assessment of the various ways in which the UN ‘system’, from its headquarters in New York to the field, has confronted the policy challenges posed by political economies of conflict-affected states, societies, and regions. It advances a pragmatic set of policy recommendations aimed at improving the UN’s ability to confront predatory and exploitative war economies. At the same time, the volume makes it clear that political and institutional obstacles to more effective UN action are certain to remain profound and are unlikely ever to be fully overcome let alone eradicated. Despite making some progress since the 1990s to better understand the political economy of civil wars, the UN has struggled with how to tackle informal networks of power and their consequences for efforts to end wars. The book will be of special interest to students of war and conflict studies, statebuilding, political economy of conflict, UN interventionism and peacebuilding, and IR/Security in general.