This thesis revolves around the relationship between distrust in the main actors of political representation (political parties and politicians) and voting for anti-establishment parties (AEP). While the research does not deny the argument according to which support for AEP largely depends on political distrust, it sheds new light on this association. First, the political attitude has not only a direct, but also a conditional effect on the voting behavior, especially when considering other factors like the economy. Second, supporting an AEP leads to a further political distrust. In other words, the political attitude and the voting behavior reinforce each other, by activating a 'spiral of distrust'. These arguments are developed in three empirical chapters. In the first article, based on pooled surveys from the European Social Survey (2004-2016) and macroeconomic data gathered from the Eurostat, we performed a multilevel analysis to analyze the individual and contextual factors of the voting for AEP. In the second paper we analyze, with an original panel survey conducted in Spain between 2014 and 2016, the rise of Podemos and Ciudadanos at the 2015 elections. Instead, the third study, based on a comparative analysis of five panel studies, evaluates the impact of having voted for an AEP on the change in the levels of distrust.

Recent electoral success of the Freedom Party in Austria, List Pim Fortuyn in The Netherlands, the People's Party in Denmark and the National Front in France have demonstrated the appeal of parties that challenge the political establishment. This book seeks to explain why these parties have achieved a political breakthrough, but unlike other studies in the area does not concentrate on only one type of party. Instead it attempts to determine preconditions for the success of anti-political establishment parties in general, avoiding any time specific or ideology specific explanations.

Populism is booming across all the nuances of the political spectrum. It occupies relevant positions in national parliaments, in governmental coalitions with mainstream parties or as successful challengers of the political status quo. This volume sheds new light on the topic from different methodological and theoretical angles and offers evidence from a variety of cases on the ‘why’ and ‘how’ questions on populism’s emergence and consolidation in Europe over the past 30 years. The volume, composed of eight chapters, investigates how different populist parties in the European Union have been affected by the various crises, disentangling the role of the Great Recession vis-à-vis other factors (such as political and party system factors, but also structural social changes or cultural opportunities) in the growing strength of populist parties in various European countries. More specifically, the volume aims are to: promote critical discussion on the concept of populism, reflecting on its conceptual ‘usability’ beyond the traditional party families to which it is usually related; use a preliminary theoretical clarification to shed new light on the different ways in which populism has been articulated in the various European countries (either in Continental and Southern Europe, or in the lesser known and studied East-Central countries) since the economic crisis, which has acted as an external shock for many party systems, either giving birth to new political actors or consolidating existing ones; investigate the connections between populism and the national contextual political and cultural specificities that can determine the development of different types of populisms across countries, elaborating on different ‘configurations’ of triggering conditions for populism and reflecting on the limitations of a discrete conceptualisation of the phenomenon. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of West European Politics.

Twenty-First Century Populism analyses the phenomenon of sustained populist growth in Western Europe by looking at the conditions facilitating populism in specific national contexts and then examining populist fortunes in those countries. The chapters are written by country experts and political scientists from across the continent.

The ascendance of austerity policies and the protests they have generated have had a deep impact on the shape of contemporary politics. The stunning electoral successes of SYRIZA in Greece, Podemos in Spain and the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) in Italy, alongside the quest for a more radical left in countries such as the UK and the US, bear witness to a new wave of parties that draws inspiration and strength from social movements. The rise of movement parties challenges simplistic expectations of a growing separation between institutional and contentious politics and the decline of the left. Their return demands attention as a way of understanding both contemporary socio-political dynamics and the fundamentals of political parties and representation. Bridging social movement and party politics studies, within a broad concern with democratic theories, this volume presents new empirical evidence and conceptual insight into these topical socio-political phenomena, within a cross-national comparative perspective.

Elite Networks presents a new explanatory factor behind the persistence of income inequality: extractive political power. Elite networks are informal social networks between politicians in power and top executives of politically connected firms where personal ties and long-term interactions build trust and loyalty between involved actors. Both groups draw benefits from these interactions; politicians stay in power, and corporate executives extract rents for their firms. Firms reward connected executives with higher salaries thus widening the dispersion of earnings in society. In Elite Networks, Vuk Vukovi? offers a different perspective on the long-run origins of inequality. Calling upon historical arguments and direct empirical evidence, Vukovi? argues that inequality is not an artifact of a particular economic system, but a man-made phenomenon rooted deeply within the, often violent, quest for political power. Further, he theoretically and empirically establishes the impact elite networks have on higher inequality. Offering a unique contribution to the field, this book argues that to lower inequality and prevent incentives of elite network formation, we must first and foremost lower centralized political power and re-empower the citizens and the community by rebuilding trust and relying on the democratic trial-and-error mechanism.

Oil has played a major role in Venezuela’s economy since the first gusher was discovered along Lake Maracaibo in 1922. As Miguel Tinker Salas demonstrates, oil has also transformed the country’s social, cultural, and political landscapes. In The Enduring Legacy, Tinker Salas traces the history of the oil industry’s rise in Venezuela from the beginning of the twentieth century, paying particular attention to the experiences and perceptions of industry employees, both foreign and Venezuelan. He reveals how class ambitions and corporate interests combined to reshape many Venezuelans’ ideas of citizenship. Middle-class Venezuelans embraced the oil industry from the start, anticipating that it would transform the country by introducing modern technology, sparking economic development, and breaking the landed elites’ stranglehold. Eventually Venezuelan employees of the industry found that their benefits, including relatively high salaries, fueled loyalty to the oil companies. That loyalty sometimes trumped allegiance to the nation-state. North American and British petroleum companies, seeking to maintain their stakes in Venezuela, promoted the idea that their interests were synonymous with national development. They set up oil camps—residential communities to house their workers—that brought Venezuelan employees together with workers from the United States and Britain, and eventually with Chinese, West Indian, and Mexican migrants as well. Through the camps, the companies offered not just housing but also schooling, leisure activities, and acculturation into a structured, corporate way of life. Tinker Salas contends that these practices shaped the heart and soul of generations of Venezuelans whom the industry provided with access to a middle-class lifestyle. His interest in how oil suffused the consciousness of Venezuela is personal: Tinker Salas was born and raised in one of its oil camps.

LONGLISTED FOR THE ORWELL PRIZE 2017 How do we discuss serious ideas in the age of 24-hour news? What was rhetoric in the past and what should it be now? And what does Islamic State have in common with Donald Trump? We’ve never had more information or more opportunity to debate the issues of the day. Yet the relationship between politicians, the media and the public is characterised by suspicion, mistrust and apathy. What has gone wrong? Enough Said reveals how political, social and technological change has transformed our political landscape – and how we talk about the issues that affect us all. Political rhetoric has become stale and the mistrust of politicians has made voters flock to populists who promise authenticity, honesty and truth instead of spin, evasiveness and lies. Featuring Ronald Reagan and Sarah Palin, Tony Blair and George Osborne, Silvio Berlusconi and many more star performers, Enough Said shows how public language is losing its power, and how an ominous gap is opening between the governed and those who govern. The result of decades of first-hand experience of politics and media, this is an essential, brilliant diagnosis of what we should stop doing and what we should start doing in order to reinvigorate Western democracy.

Thoroughly updated, this sixth edition of Hancock et al.’s Politics in Europe remains an approachable yet rigorous introduction to the region—the UK, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Russia, Poland, and the European Union. Its strong analytic framework and organization, coupled with detailed country coverage written by country experts, ensure that students not only get a robust introduction to each country, but also are able to make meaningful cross-national comparisons. Key updates include the latest in European politics, including recent election results, the content and impact of the Eurozone crisis, the emergence of a new “Nordic model” of welfare capitalism, and coverage of key social and political issues including globalization, terrorism, immigration, gender, religion, and transatlantic relations.

The 1996 Supplement of Political Science Abstracts contains 10,000 carefully prepared abstracts of materials from public affairs magazines, major newspapers, professional journals, and books devoted to politics and political analysis. The organization of the proceeding volumes has been retained intact, as has the recently added list of subdisciplinary descriptors. Users of earlier volumes will be on familiar ground, while those new to Political Science Abstracts will find the instructions on page ix easy to master. CONTENTS Volume 1 (This Volume) How to Use This Supplement . ix Political Science Subdisciplinary Descriptors xi Index of Terms ............... . xiii Abstracts of Documents in This Supplement. Volume 2 Bibliographic Index to the Abstracts (ABILITY-MINNESOTA) . 821 Volume 3 Bibliographic Index to the Abstracts (MINORITY-ZULU) 1565 Author Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2119 List of Periodicals Abstracted in This Supplement. 2121 HOW TO USE THIS SUPPLEMENT Three simple steps are all that are needed to introduce the user to this easily accessible indexing system. STEP 1: Turn to the Index of Terms and locate as many terms as possible that deal with your subject. If you are interested in coverage of a more generic nature, you may instead turn to the next page, where key descriptors are listed that are associated with the major subject areas in political science and with their subdivisions. Note that the index includes methodological as well as topical terms. Numerical listings (e.g., 24TH/PAR/C) are located at the end of the alphabetical listing.